K počátkům vinařství v Čechách

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/KS.2020.140101

Author: Jiří Sláma
Address: Ústav pro pravěk a ranou dobu dějinnou Filozofické fakulty Univerzity Karlovy v Praze, Nám. Jana Palacha 2, Praha 1, 116 38, Czech Rep.
E-mail: Jiri.Slama@ff.cuni.cz
Language: Czech
Issue: 1/2020
Page Range: 3–13
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: viticulture, paleobotany, Premyslid dynasty, princely economy
Abstract: The expansion of the Roman Empire into Western and Central Europe from the 1st century helped to substantially expand viticulture. Bohemia and Moravia, which lie beyond the former Roman border, only became acquainted with viticulture from the 9th century. We can read the first mentions of vineyards and drinking wine in Bohemia in the legends of St. Wenceslas. The vineyards at that time formed part of the Premyslid princely economy. From the 11th century onwards, princely donations also resulted in vineyards being owned by ecclesiastical institutions (monasteries and chapters), who needed the wine for liturgical purposes. Bretislav’s decrees from 1039 indicate that the consumption of wine at that time ceased to be tied to the environment of the power elites, as a result of which wine became a drink consumed even by the non-privileged strata of society.

Prof. PhDr. Jiří Sláma, CSc. is a professor at the Institute for Prehistory and Early History, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague. He specializes in the archaeology of the early Middle Ages, the origins of the Czech state and the interconnection of archaeological and written sources.

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The earliest evidence of the domesticated grapevine (Vitis vinifera sativa) is known from several regions of the Middle East, where the findings of grapevine pits date back to the 7th millennium. By the 4th millennium, vine cultivation and wine production were already practised at a high level, for example in Mesopotamia and, a little later, in Egypt. At that time, wine was becoming a luxury drink consumed mainly by contemporary social elites. It was drunk from specially designed goblets. Wine drinking played an important role, for example, in religious ceremonies. Wine was also an important commodity in commercial business and its gifts to various rulers often confirmed previous agreements and arrangements. Over time, the gradual increase in the number of vineyards led to an increase in wine production, bringing the drink closer to the underprivileged sections of society.

Around the beginning of the 2nd millennium, the first laws dealing with vineyards and the sale of wine were created. The well-known code of the Babylonian ruler Hammurabi (1792-1750 BC) laid down penalties for thieves caught in the vineyards and also penalised dishonest sellers of wine who defrauded the drink of its quality for profit. Soon, references to the cultivation of vines, wine production and consumption of wine found their way into local literature in some developed eastern countries. Perhaps the most frequently quoted story in this context is the story from the Old Testament book of Genesis, which tells how Noah got drunk on wine.

From the advanced ancient civilisations, knowledge of the cultivation of domesticated grapes and their processing into an intoxicating beverage spread westwards into European territory. According to palaeobotanists, only the wild grape variety (Vitis vinifera silvestra), whose small berries did not reach the taste or the sugar content of cultivated vines, was widespread there.

The occurrence of a large number of seeds of this particular wild variety is documented in several localities, e.g. in northern Italy and the Danube region, where they date back to the Bronze Age. Some experts assume that there was probably already deliberate collection of these berries and perhaps even experiments with their cultivation.

The spread of advanced viticulture to Europe was initially largely due to the Aegean culture. They introduced winemaking to nearby Greece and to the countries of the Balkan Peninsula in the Black Sea region. Wine became a very popular drink in many countries of the nascent ancient world, and its consumption, especially at celebrations, often exceeded reasonable limits. It is therefore not surprising that some ancient Greek scholars and philosophers criticised this vice. In Sparta, for example, wine drinking was forbidden for fear of weakening the prowess of the Spartan warriors. Thus, for the first time in history, we encounter prohibition.

Thanks to the Phoenicians and later the Greeks, the knowledge of winemaking spread further to the countries along the Mediterranean and from there to the European hinterland. The Roman Empire then contributed to the great expansion of viticulture there. At the end of the Old Kingdom, it was experiencing a period of great territorial expansion. During this period, Roman provinces were established across a vast European territory, stretching from present-day France to the Rhine in the west and from Italy to the Danube in the south and, in places, beyond. Everywhere there was a Romanisation of the local environment. Among its manifestations were the establishment of vineyards and the production of wine (and its luxuriant drinking), which became the drink of choice. Thanks to Roman legionaries and merchants, wine drinking spread beyond the Roman frontier into the heart of unconquered Europe. By then, Roman winemakers had already mastered the production of several types of wine. Wine-drinking contests at various celebrations were a common pastime of the dissolute Romans. However, women’s drunkenness was not tolerated by Roman society.

The disruption of the Roman Empire at the time of the Migration of Peoples did not bring about the disappearance of winemaking in the central regions of the former empire or in its border provinces. Everywhere winemaking continued under new conditions. In many of the empires that emerged in the former Roman territory, the former Roman courts and their adjacent farm buildings, fields and vineyards continued to operate in the countryside. In the new historical situation, these places often became the residences of local rulers. In the Frankish Empire, which was formed in Western Europe on the ruins of the late antique Western Roman Empire and was transformed by Charlemagne in 800 into the so-called Holy Roman Empire on Christian foundations, winemaking and wine production soon received legal protection. Christianity, which needed wine for liturgical purposes, was interested in a functioning wine industry at that time.

The contacts of the Bohemian Slavs with the western Carinthian world enriched the life of their elites from the end of the 8th century onwards, especially by adopting some of the local conveniences and objects. These included, for example, certain weapons, clothing, special ornaments, glassware, or the imitation of courts that served as exclusive rulers‘ or noblemen’s residences in the new conditions. Undoubtedly, our ancestors‘ knowledge and popularity of drinking wine was also stimulated by their contacts with their western neighbour. Historians rightly speak of the so-called imitation of empire (Imitatio imperii). Bavarian Reich enriched these contacts with the contribution of Christianity to the life of Bohemian society. At that time, another new commodity appeared in Bohemia – the wine of the masses.

Moravia was also under strong Frankish influence (in the religious sphere, mediated by Bavarian Passau), although its southward-opening territory also allowed for strong influences from the Danube region or even from distant Byzantine Greece. From these territories we know numerous archaeological finds of wine-making knives and other relics attesting to the pre-Roman winemaking there, which continued even when the nomadic Avars took over the Carpathian Basin. Contacts with the European southeast were then strengthened in Moravia by the Byzantine mission of the brothers Constantine and Methodius. Several Old Slavic legal texts are connected with their work with our ancestors, which provide for vineyards, vineyard work and wine production. These written monuments show a clear influence of the Byzantine environment.[2]

It is also associated with the discovery of a fragment of a clay amphora from Mikulčice, South Moravia, probably used to transport wine to Moravia from southeastern Europe.[3]

There is no reliable information in written sources about the beginnings of grape growing and wine consumption in our country. According to the account of the chronicler Kosmas, when the ancient Czechs settled in our country, ‚the unspoiled springs provided them with a healthy drink‘. Even Libuše’s envoy, sent to Stadice to meet the future prince Přemysl Oráč, was „treated to water from jugs at breakfast“. On the other hand, on Přemysl’s arrival at Prague’s Vyšehrad, Libuše and the newly appointed prince refreshed themselves with wine. The chronicler Kosmas, educated in ancient literature, writes poetically about the use of the gifts of Ceres and Bacchus.[4]

More than four centuries after Kosmas, the Renaissance chronicler Václav Hájek from Libočany told another story about the beginnings of wine drinking in Bohemia. According to his account, the Moravian ruler Svatopluk sent Bořivoj a „very large cask of excellent wine to celebrate the birthday of his son Spytihnev. Everybody praised the drink and from that day onwards wine was drunk in Bohemia“.[5]

Although the above-mentioned narratives are of course chroniclers‘ inventions, their authors quite rightly linked the beginnings of winemaking in our country with the ruling princely Přemyslid family.

The evidence of palaeobotanical findings of vine pips from the Czech territory is still only sketchy about the beginnings of local winemaking. Their oldest isolated find comes from the early medieval settlement in Lovosice near Mělník, where it dates back to the 8th century. It is not considered to be evidence of vine cultivation anywhere near the site of the find, but rather an import (e.g. of raisins). The site lies on an important river route using the Elbe.[6]

Only slightly younger finds of these little ovens from the vicinity of Prague Castle, Žatec, Mělník or Libice are considered to be evidence of grape cultivation in Bohemia. In all these cases, they were important fortified sites.[7] This fact also demonstrates the connection of wine consumption with contemporary elites.

Wine drinking in the Přemyslid princely family and retinue is vividly described in the legends of St.Wenceslas.[8] According to their story, Boleslav enticed his older brother and reigning prince Wenceslas to attend an evening banquet held at Boleslav Castle by promising to drink good wine. Although Wenceslaus was informed by his friends that he was in danger of death from his enemies in Boleslav, he nevertheless complied with his brother’s request and attended the dinner. During it, Wenceslaus raised his goblet of wine and expressed his wish that those present would drink with him in honour of the Archangel Michael. The toast, together with the kisses of those present, expressed the reconciliation with the adversaries at that time.[9] However, this did not happen and the following morning Boleslav’s companions murdered Wenceslas. Some historians have questioned whether the account of this event was influenced, at least in some details, by the legendist’s knowledge of Matthew’s Gospel. For in it we read these words of Christ: „For whoever would save his life shall lose it, but whoever loses his life for my sake shall find it“. The saint Wenceslaus, celebrated by the legendist, fulfilled this Christian principle by his actions, and therefore could not cowardly leave Boleslav’s castle and go to Prague in the face of the danger of death.

Drinking wine was then quite common in the princely milieu. According to the customs of the time, Prince Wenceslas and his retinue also took part in various entertainments, during which, according to the legendary Kristian, the prince sometimes „drank more abundantly“; he bitterly regretted it the next day.[10]

Later on, many drunkards and drunken men took advantage of Wenceslaus‘ lapse, claiming Prince Wenceslaus as their patron saint, much to the delight of the church leaders. These views were so widespread that in the 13th century the author of the Latin legend of Wenceslas, Oriente iam sole, felt the need to respond to them in words: „Since the servant of Christ, Wenceslaus, full of the spirit of God, was of a gentle and temperate nature, he was not in the habit of emptying goblets or other invitations to drink, which he himself avoided. Surely that is not true which some have otherwise asserted of him in this connection, to the indignation of his hearers, and to the excuse of sinners excusing their sins.“[11]

It cannot be ruled out that the legendist was secretly criticizing the poorly comforted situation of excessive wine drinking by some Přemyslid rulers during his lifetime.

Already more than two centuries before the writing of the legend Oriente iam sole, other legendists had tried to remove the label of drunkard from Wenceslas by mentioning his harsh attitudes of people devoted to gluttony and drunkenness. According to Christian’s legend, these were to be severely punished by Prince Wenceslaus with reprimands.[12]

However, in the early Middle Ages (and of course also later), immoderate drinking may have given rise to some ill-advised actions which, as a result, influenced the course of political events. The chronicler Kosmas, for example, wrote about how a wine-fuelled retinue of Vršovci in today’s Beroun region, near Velíz, captured the Přemyslid Jaromír, forcibly tied him to the ground naked and jumped him on horseback to his shame.[13]

Shortly before the Velíz event, Prince Vladivoj, a supposed distant relative of the Přemyslids, died in early 1003. He ascended to the Přemyslid throne after the deposition of Bolesław III at a time of crisis for the Přemyslid Empire, which was in a deep decline of power at the beginning of the 11th century. However, Vladivoj’s reign lasted only a few months. The cause of his early death is unknown, but it cannot be ruled out that it may have been excessive wine drinking. A contemporary of these events, Bishop Dětmar of Merseburg, briefly noted in his chronicle about Vladivoj: „I have one incredible thing to say about him, which perhaps no Christian should follow, namely, that he could not last an hour without good drink“.[14]

The third bishop of Prague, Thiddag, whose nineteen-year episcopate (998-1017) took place at a time when the Přemyslid principality was in the aforementioned crisis, has been wrongly assigned by some historians to the company of drunkards living in Bohemia at the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries. Even in this difficult time, Thiddag, for example, took care to raise the level of the Prague episcopal school, had the first episcopal denarii minted and loyally sided with the Přemyslids during their temporary expulsion from Bohemia. However, the bishop’s life was hampered by a severe neurological disease, which he treated by drinking wine in accordance with the principles of the ancient physician Hippocrates, a recognised medical authority in the Middle Ages. He was therefore not primarily an alcoholic, as older Czech historiography tended to characterise him.[15]

Wine as a luxurious and expensive drink was consumed mainly by contemporary elites. However, wine also played an important role in the Christian service of transubstantiation. However, the need for mass wine was much less compared to wine drunk in a secular setting. Nevertheless, it is the mass wine that is the subject of legendary accounts of its production by Prince Wenceslas. We can already read this information in the earliest legends, which were written down by monks who came to Bohemia from the Bavarian monastery of St. Jimram in Regensburg (in Czech: Řezno). The convent there adopted strict norms of monastic life thanks to the Trevir monk Ramwold, which, among other things, commanded the monks to prepare their own wine and hosts for the mass sacrifice. Wenceslas‘ legendists, who try to portray this prince as a model monk, naturally attributed to him the performance of these works, although Prince Wenceslas certainly never worked on the vineyard.[16] However, the idea of a prince plucking grapes and pressing them into wine has become a firm part of St.Wenceslas‘ hagiography until modern times and the subject of many works of art. On the other hand, another hagiographer of Wenceslas, Bishop Gumpold, who grew up in Italy and in whose fatherland there were already fenced vineyards belonging to different owners, does not mention Wenceslas‘ work in the vineyards. However, he tolerated Wenceslaus‘ thefts of wine in such fenced vineyards (which did not exist in Bohemia at that time), as they were not used to produce wine for personal consumption, but were intended for liturgical purposes. It was therefore „praiseworthy plunder.“ [17]

Although the legends of St Wenceslas mention Wenceslas‘ vineyard, no such ancient vineyards have been discovered in Bohemia so far. There is no need to doubt their existence at that time. The discovery of the wells on the southern slopes below Prague Castle, interpreted by some experts as the remains of a vineyard, dates back to the High Middle Ages, according to new findings. The naming of the Na Opyši vineyard at Prague Castle as a St Wenceslas vineyard has nothing to do with the early Middle Ages. The name is documented as far back as the 17th century and reflects the developing St. Wenceslas veneration in the Baroque period. Even the discovery of what appear to be pits on some Czech hillforts could not be safely identified as the remains of vineyards.[18]

From written sources – although initially few in number – it can be well deduced that winemaking was initially an exclusive part of the prince’s economy. In the earliest period of its existence in Bohemia, the Church did not own vineyards and was entirely dependent on the Prince for its wine.[19]

It was also the prince who tried to raise the level of grape growing in Bohemia. He was to be assisted in this, for example, by specialist winegrowers brought to Bohemia from countries where vine growing was at a higher level (especially in Hungary). In this respect, the resettlement settlement of Úherce in the Lounsko region, whose inhabitants are mentioned in written sources as winegrowers, suggests much. A similar situation is encountered near the former Přemyslid administrative castle of (Mlada) Boleslav, where the settlements of Vinařice and Úherce lie in close proximity to each other.

The princely monopoly on the ownership of vineyards gradually began to be eroded by the monarch’s grants of vineyards (including land) to individual Bohemian monasteries and chapters. This gradually led to the creation of ecclesiastical landed property, which then grew through the founding activity of these ecclesiastical institutions. The first concrete references to the establishment of vineyards in Bohemia can be found in documents written in the second half of the 12th century; they concern vineyards established on the land of the Vyšehrad Chapter.[20]

However, the reality was different, as the establishment of new vineyards in Bohemia undoubtedly took place as early as the 11th century.

The significant increase in new vineyards is indirectly evidenced by the decrees of Prince Břetislav issued in 1039 in Hnězdno, Poland, over the grave of the martyr St. Vojtěch. They introduced into the life of the Bohemian population some of the reformist elements that Bishop Vojtěch had tried in vain to enforce during his lifetime, such as emphasising the Christian concept of marriage, forbidding the burial of the dead in forests outside Christian cemeteries, forbidding the violation of Sunday’s feast day peace, etc.

The history of winemaking is indirectly affected by their prohibition of the establishment of taverns, for which their owners were threatened with severe corporal punishment and, moreover, the drink sold by them was poured „…on the ground, so that no one should be defiled by a cursed sip“. The prohibition does not specify exactly what was drunk in the taverns; it is generally assumed that it was wine. Drinkers caught drinking were fined three hundred money.[21]

Břetislav’s decrees prove that wine consumption was no longer tied to the environment of the powerful, but that wine became an accessible drink even in the non-privileged strata of the society of the time thanks to taverns. This concludes the first chapter of the history of winemaking in our country. The new chapter is then the great colonisation associated with the founding of towns in the 13th century, when the large urban population became great consumers of wine. This increased demand was then met by vineyards established in the hinterland of these towns. However, that is another story.

[1] This article is an edited version of the author’s study „Wine Cultivation and Consumption in the Early Middle Ages“, Praehistorica 33/1-2, Prague 2016, pp. 373-379. From the very large literature on the history of winemaking, only some studies focusing on the Czech issue in a broader context are presented here:

VENCL, S. Archeologie žízně. Archeologické rozhledy, 1994, 46.2: 283-305.

GALUŠKA, Luděk. Slované – doteky předků. Brno: Moravské zemské muzeum, 2004, s. 32–33.

MEDUNA, Petr. Vinařské intermezzo, In: Mělník (ed. Jan Kilián). Praha 2010, ISBN 978-80-7422-029-6, s. 76–78.

HAVLÍKOVÁ, L. In vino veritas… Is there truth in wine? Drinking and inteperance in Graet Moravian and Early Czech legislation (Antique traditions in the Byzantine and Slawonic world). Byzantinoslavica 72, 2014, s. 98–121.

HLAVATÁ, J. Archeobotanické nálezy rastlín a ich vypovedacia schopnosť vo vzťahu k poľnohospodárstvu včasného stredoveku. In: BORZOVÁ, Zuzana (ed.) Interdisciplinárne o poľnohospodárstve včasného stredoveku. Nitra: Univerzita Konštantína Filozofa v Nitre 2015, s. 16-18.

[2] HAVLÍKOVÁ, L. In vino veritas … Is there truth inwine? Drinking and inteperance in Graet Moravian and Early Czech legislation (Antique traditions in the Byzantine and Slawonic world). Byzantinoslavica 72, 2014, s. 111–112.

[3] GALUŠKA, Luděk. Slované – doteky předků. Brno: Moravské zemské muzeum, 2004, s. 110.

[4] KOSMAS. Kronika Čechů. Vyd. 8., (v Argu 1.). Přeložil Karel HRDINA, Marie BLÁHOVÁ, Magdalena MORAVOVÁ. Praha: Argo, 2011. Memoria medii aevi. ISBN 978-80-257-0465-3, s. 8, 17, 18.

[5] HÁJEK Z LIBOČAN, Václav, LINKA, Jan, ed. Kronika česká. Praha: Academia, 2013. ISBN 978-80-200-2255-4, s. 166.

[6] ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z pravěkých a raně středověkých antropogenních sedimentu v Lovosicích. Archeologické rozhledy, 2008, 60.1: 61-74.

[7] ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z pěti středověkých lokalit při obvodu centrální části Pražského hradu [Plant macroremains from five medieval localities around the perimeter of the central part of the Prague castle]. Mediaevalia archaeologica, 2001, 3: 303-327.

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Výsledky analýzy rostlinných makrozbytků z lokality Praha 1-Malá Strana, Tržiště čp. 259/III (Hartigovský palác). Archaeologica Pragensia, 1998, 14: 291–316 (s. 297).

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z lokality Praha 1-Malá strana. Malostranské nám. čp. 258/III (Lichtenštejnský palác), Mediaevalia archaeologica, 2001, 3:137–166 (s. 140, 141).

ČECH, P., KOČÁR, P., KOZÁKOVÁ, R., KOČÁROVÁ, R. Ekonomika a životní prostředí raně středověké aglomerace v Žatci. Praha: Archeologický ústav AV ČR, 2013. ISBN 978-80-87365-66-3.

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z objektu č. 126 na předhradí slovanského hradiska v Libici nad Cidlinou. Památky archeologické 1999, 90: 166-185 (s. 168, 175).

MEDUNA, Petr. Vinařské intermezzo, In: Mělník (ed. Jan Kilián). Praha 2010, s. 77. ISBN 978-80-7422-029-6.

[8] The texts of the St.Wenceslas legends in the original Latin or Old Slavonic text and with the Czech translation can be found in a number of older editions: Prameny dějin českých. Díl I, Životy svatých a některých jiných osob nábožných = Fontes rerum Bohemicarum. Tom I, Vitae sanctorum et aliorum quorundam pietate insignium. V Praze: Nákladem Musea království Českého, 1873. (ed. J. Emler). xxxiv, 471 s.

PEKAŘ, Josef. Die Wenzels- und Ludmila Legenden und die Echtheit Christians. Prag: Alois Wiesner, 1906. 443 s.

Modern Czech translations of St. Wenceslas legends, usually with historical commentary, can be found in books such as: Na úsvitu křesťanství: z naší literární tvorby doby románské v století IX.-XIII. V Praze: Evropský literární klub, 1942. 292 stran, 12 nečíslovaných listů obrazových příloh. Knihovna Slavín; 5. svazek. (uspořádal V. Chaloupecký).

KRÁLÍK, Oldřich, ed. Nejstarší legendy přemyslovských Čech. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1969. 224 s.

ROGOV, A. I., BLÁHOVÁ, E., KONZAL, V. Staroslověnské legendy českého původu: nejstarší kapitoly z dějin česko-ruských kulturních vztahů. Vyd. 1. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1976. 399 s.

[9] VELEMÍNSKÝ, T. Rituál usmíření a nejstarší svatováclavské legendy. In: NODL, Martin, ed. a WIHODA, Martin, ed. Rituál smíření: konflikt a jeho řešení ve středověku: sborník příspěvků z konference konané ve dnech 31. května – 1. června 2007 v Brně. Vyd. 1. Brno: Matice moravská pro Výzkumné středisko pro dějiny střední Evropy: prameny, země, kultura, 2008. 348 s. Země a kultura ve střední Evropě; sv. 8. ISBN 978-80-86488-48-6., s. 31-34.

[10] KRISTIÁN; LUDVÍKOVSKÝ, Jaroslav, ed. Kristiánova legenda: život a umučení svatého Václava a jeho báby svaté Ludmily = Legenda Christiani: vita et passio sancti Wenceslai et sancte Ludmile ave eius. Překlad Jaroslav Ludvíkovský. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1978. 164 s., s. 58-59.

[11] Legenda Oriente iam sole, cap. 9. In: PEKAŘ, Josef. Die Wenzels- und Ludmila Legenden und die Echtheit Christians. Prag: Alois Wiesner, 1906, s. 416–417.

Na úsvitu křesťanství: z naší literární tvorby doby románské v století IX.-XIII. V Praze: Evropský literární klub, 1942. (uspořádal V. Chaloupecký), s. 228.

[12] KRISTIÁN… c. d., s. 59, 60.

[13] KOSMAS. Kronika Čechů. c. d., s. 70.

[14] THIETMARUS MARSIPOLITANUS (Dětmar z Merseburku). Kronika. Překlad Bořek Neškudla a Jakub Žytek. Vyd. 1. Praha: Argo, 2008. 342 s. Memoria medii aevi; sv. 4. ISBN 978-80-257-0088-4.

[15] SLÁMA, Jiří. Třetí pražský biskup Thiddag v době počátků křesťanství v českých zemích. Posel z Budče 36/2019, s. 1–6.

[16] TŘEŠTÍK, Dušan. Počátky Přemyslovců: vstup Čechů do dějin (530-935). Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997. ISBN 80-7106-138-7, s. 380–382.

[17] Legenda Gumpoldova. Moderní český překlad Z. Kristena. In: KRÁLÍK, Oldřich, ed. Nejstarší legendy přemyslovských Čech. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1969, s. 42.

[18] BORKOVSKÝ, Ivan. O počátcích pražského hradu a o nejstarším kostele v Praze. Praha: Orbis, 1949, s. 49–50.

ŠOLLE, Miloš. Stará Kouřim a projevy velkomoravské hmotné kultury v Čechách. Praha: Academia, 1966, s. 246–247.

[19] PETRÁČEK, T. Církevní velkostatek, nevolníci a evangelium (K vztahu církevních institucí a sociální struktury českých zemí 11.–12. století). Omnia autem probate. Sborník Katolické teologické fakulty VII, 2005, s. 340–363 (s. 153).

[20] FRIEDRICH, G. (ed.) Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris regni Bohemiae. Tom I., Praha 1904, nr. 287, s. 252, nr. 308, s. 278.

[21] For details on some of the provisions of the Decrees, see HAVLÍKOVÁ, L. In vino veritas… Is there truth in wine? Drinking and inteperance in Graet Moravian and Early Czech legislation (Antique traditions in the Byzantine and Slawonic world). Byzantinoslavica 72, 2014, s. 118–119.

References / Seznam použitých zdrojů

BORKOVSKÝ, Ivan. O počátcích pražského hradu a o nejstarším kostele v Praze. Praha: Orbis, 1949, s. 49–50.

ČECH, P., KOČÁR, P., KOZÁKOVÁ, R., KOČÁROVÁ, R. Ekonomika a životní prostředí raně středověké aglomerace v Žatci. Praha: Archeologický ústav AV ČR, 2013. ISBN 978-80-87365-66-3.

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z lokality Praha 1-Malá strana. Malostranské nám. čp. 258/III (Lichtenštejnský palác), Mediaevalia archaeologica, 2001, 3:137–166.

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z objektu č. 126 na předhradí slovanského hradiska v Libici nad Cidlinou. Památky archeologické 1999, 90: 166-185.

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z pěti středověkých lokalit při obvodu centrální části Pražského hradu [Plant macroremains from five medieval localities around the perimeter of the central part of the Prague castle]. Mediaevalia archaeologica, 2001, 3: 303-327.

ČULÍKOVÁ, Věra. Rostlinné makrozbytky z pravěkých a raně středověkých antropogenních sedimentu v Lovosicích. Archeologické rozhledy, 2008, 60.1: 61-74.

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