Author: Sylvie Abbasová
Affiliation: MSD IT Global Innovation Center, Svornosti 3321/2, 150 00 Praha, Czech Republic
Email: sylvie.abbasova@gmail.com
Language: Czech, English translation
Issue: 2/2018
Pages: 54–73 (20 pages)
Keywords: Shamanism, Religion, Postmodern Age, Amazonia, Tourism, Qualitative Research
Abstract
This article examines the significance of shamanism in the postmodern era, using the example of tourists traveling to the Peruvian Amazon. Through research focused on tourists‘ motivations and experiences, as well as the perspectives of Peruvian shamans, the article addresses the question of why Western tourists seek shamanic rituals with ayahuasca. Five main motivations were identified: physical healing, psychological healing, drug tourism, curiosity, and the desire to adopt shamanic practices. The impacts of shamanic tourism on the local community and the natural environment are also discussed.

Introduction
We live in a postmodern era, characterised by the inherent contradictions it presents at every turn. On the one hand, new and improved living conditions are being created, while on the other, individuals are increasingly burdened with demands, leading lives that often lack certainty and stable connections. The pressures of time and the demands of work frequently result in stress, anxiety, and a sense of unfulfilled lives. Consequently, people begin to search for what is missing in their existence. Some seek solace in entertainment, which is abundantly available in the Western world, while others find something lacking within their culture and start looking elsewhere. Recently, the focus of postmodern individuals has turned towards South America, particularly the lives of Amazonian shamans, whom they may believe still live in harmony with nature and heal according to the traditions of their ancestors. This way of life might be something that fascinates Western society, or perhaps it reflects something their own culture lacks, or it may even be linked to the decreasing influence of religion in the postmodern world.
This article explores the significance of shamanism in the postmodern era. It aims to capture the reasons why contemporary Western society embarks on journeys to remote regions of the Amazon rainforest, seeking to experience life in nature once again and receive healing from the traditional medicine practiced by local shamans. In today’s globalised world, the ability to travel across the planet facilitates connections between seemingly distant areas. Just as traditional elements of shamanism permeate Western modernised culture, changes among South American shamans as a result of Western tourism are also becoming increasingly apparent.
Methodology
This work was primarily based on field research, which led to the collection of relevant data regarding the topic at hand. The research focused on the meanings that residents of the Western and modernised world, specifically Czech tourists, attribute to the phenomenon of shamanism. The main research segment relied on testimonies from twelve tourists from the Czech Republic and their motivations for travelling to the Peruvian Amazon to partake in ayahuasca rituals. These accounts were complemented by the perspectives of Peruvian shamans—Don Mateo and Don Alvaro.[1]
Research methods included semi-structured interviews with Peruvian shamans and Czech tourists, as well as participant observation in the Amazonian town of Pucallpa, which, after Iquitos, is the second most sought-after location for shamanic ayahuasca ceremonies.
Amazonian Shamanism
Just as the geographical conditions have given rise to three regions of Peru, the shamanic practices here are similarly divided. In Peruvian shamanism, three main branches can be identified: coastal shamanism (coastal curanderos[2]), Andean shamanism (curanderos from the mountains), and jungle shamanism (Amazonian vegetalistas[3]). The Amazonian shamans earned the name vegetalistas due to their extensive knowledge of plants and herbs, which they often combine and use for healing, with the most well-known combination being ayahuasca.[4]
For the indigenous groups using ayahuasca (and especially for those who do not use it solely for commercial purposes), it represents far more than just a mixture of herbs. It plays a central role in their religious and cultural lives, serving as a means of acquiring information that cannot be obtained through ordinary means. It provides a way to communicate with the spiritual and natural world of the Amazon rainforest. For them, it is a method to achieve, in one moment, absolute connection with the entire Earth and the universe. It can reveal the plans of enemies, communicate with physically distant relatives, locate lost persons and objects, and it is sometimes even credited with influencing the creative work of certain artists. Finally, it is also seen as a way to heal various physical and psychological ailments. For this reason, shamans of the Amazon rainforest hold ayahuasca in high regard and attribute to it the status of a sacred plant, which they respect and follow its laws, for otherwise, it could harm them.[5]
Banisteriopsis Caapi vine – the fundamental plant for the preparation of ayahuasca. Source: Produto, http://bit.ly/2OULP1s.
Amazonian shamanism is at times closely linked to witchcraft (brujería). According to Vitebsky[6], it arises in communities with unstable or indistinct power structures. The weaker the position of the leading shaman, the greater the risk of shamanic knowledge from other realms infiltrating the community. This knowledge often forms the moral fabric and social control of these groups. The emergence of witchcraft is attributed to a breach of the diet due to the shaman’s lack of self-discipline. These shamans have strayed from the correct path, choosing an easier approach to their profession to achieve quicker results (profits) or to harm others.[7] These individuals use black magic (magia negra), and thus, the term brujos (witches) has emerged within the shamanic world, which has gradually spread into the Western world through warnings from locals to tourists. Brujos consume herbal concoctions solely to quickly gain the power to practice witchcraft, which can have fatal consequences both for those being treated and for the shamans themselves.[8] According to shaman Don Mateo, the origin of magia negra may lie with ancestors who practiced black magic, and it is passed down through the bloodline. His second theory speaks of the existence of shamans who believe in the so-called ser supremo (the Christian God) and those who do not. According to this division, shamans are classified into those who work with white or black magic. Shaman Don Mateo does not, therefore, consider brujería to be part of shamanism but rather satanism, as he claims: A true shaman should perform healing in the name of God.
The Ayahuasca Ritual
The shamanic healing process, performed during a séance to combat spirits and save the soul, represents a traditional form of shamanic treatment conducted according to the rules of a given cosmology. This involves achieving ecstasy, encounters with benevolent and malevolent spirits, and a struggle that, in severe cases of illness, can be extremely dangerous. To summarise briefly, I will include an excerpt from shaman Don Alvaro, who believes he practices shamanic healing according to the tradition of his ancestors:
During the ceremony, the shaman fulfils the roles of healer, protector, and guide through supernatural realms. He channels energies for the benefit of others. He is a medium for these forces and must, at that moment, be able to protect the person being healed and the entire group of those receiving treatment. This can only be accomplished by an experienced shaman with years of practice in mastering both herbs and higher spiritual powers, especially those found within himself.
Now, we will present the ayahuasca ritual within the context of a larger group of participants, who do not necessarily know each other. The course of ayahuasca ceremonies in individual shamanic centres does not vary significantly. The entire séance begins with the shaman conducting the ritual meeting with each of the patients individually to briefly discuss what troubles them, both mentally and physically, and then prepares the appropriate potion. After this, the shaman sits in the centre of a darkened room or maloca[9] near the jungle.[10] Informant Jitka recalls a séance that took place in a maloca in the middle of the jungle. According to her, the fact that the séance occurs in such a place, which is open and amidst nature, significantly enhances the effect of the entire ritual. The visions after consuming ayahuasca are filled with nature and its creatures, and the sounds of the nearby jungle intensify these feelings (Jitka, 42 years old). Similarly, interviewee Honza (29 years old) had comparable feelings: The jungle around you completely permeates and influences your dreams.
The shaman then prepares everything needed for the ritual on the ceremonial table, known as the mesa—including mapacho cigarettes, a rattle made of shapaca leaves, small bowls, a bottle of ayahuasca, and the perfume agua de florida. Once ready, the shaman walks around the room, anointing each participant with the perfume to protect them and to allow them to approach ayahuasca in purity (shaman Don Alvaro).
The shaman begins the séance by singing icaros[11] to the bottle of ayahuasca, blowing the smoke of mapacho over the surface of the brew, which he then pours for the others. The symbolism of the smoke plays an important role, as it represents the transition between the profane and the sacred world. This temporarily erases the boundaries between these realms, marking the beginning of the séance. Only then is the ayahuasca passed to the participants, who drink the potion to the last drop, after which the shaman drinks last, allowing him a time interval to oversee the others. After about half an hour, the first effects of the ayahuasca are expected to manifest, and the shaman checks to see if everyone is mareados—intoxicated by the brew—and begins to sing icaros once again. This moment is critical to the séance, as shaman Don Alvaro notes, because with the onset of the first hallucinations, the shaman’s song begins to influence their course. According to his statement: The shaman uses his song to send energy, which he can control to evoke the desired effect in the patient…
As the effects of the ayahuasca take hold, reactions of intoxication may occur, which can cause the participant to vomit. This is part of the healing process, where the body undergoes purification, as shaman Don Alvaro explains. He further stresses the importance of adhering to a diet to achieve the full efficacy of the ritual. The visions that ayahuasca induces are understood as a sacred essence, a gift for those who approach the ritual with responsibility.
If someone does not experience visions, it is because the plant mother does not wish to accept them. This most often occurs when the patient fails to open their mind to be taught or approaches the plant mother unprepared, perhaps by not following the prescribed diet beforehand. (shaman Don Alvaro)
Group ayahuasca ritual at the Temple of the Way of Light centre (Iquitos). Source: Guardian.
After a while, the shaman adds the sounds of the shapaca rattle to his song, stirring the air to help drive illness out of the patient’s body. The smoke ritual is then repeated to protect the patients and prevent the illness from returning. After four hours, everyone should regain consciousness. If this does not happen, the shaman must intervene by blowing a powerful puff of smoke onto the patient’s head, reconnecting them to the spirit world to interrupt their visions. Once everyone has regained full consciousness, the shaman takes on the role of a psychologist and adviser, speaking with his patients about their dreams and offering insights from ayahuasca on what needs to be done to help the patient feel better.[12]
Motivations for Travelling to Peruvian Shamans
Some authors have previously attempted to outline the motivations that drive Western society to travel to the Amazon rainforest, such as American anthropologists Beatriz Labate and Clancy Cavnar in their study Ayahuasca Shamanism in the Amazon and Beyond.[13] In this work, these motivations can be seen as encompassing all that is in contrast to Western society—pre-industrial, pre-modern, natural, exotic, spiritual, mysterious, traditional, and timeless. Dobkin de Rios[14] identifies the primary cause as a reaction to consumerism, where virtually everything can be obtained, leading to a sense of over-saturation in the individual. What the Western consumerist world does not offer, however, is shamanism in its pure and traditional form, along with all its positive healing effects. The main motivations for the informants—tourists travelling to the Peruvian Amazon today—can be categorised as motivations for physical healing, psychological healing, drug tourism, curiosity, and the acquisition of shamanic knowledge. These motivations were identified based on the most common responses and meanings attributed to them by the interviewed tourists.
Physical Healing Motivation. One of the common motivations that emerged in the testimonies of informants was the need for physical healing. Western medicine has become accustomed to separating physical and psychological treatment, leaving the patient with a dual choice. This is particularly evident in cases where the illness is not experienced by the patient for the first time. In such situations, the patient often prefers physical treatment first for a quick resolution of the problem, as they cannot afford to be off work for long. Other reasons for seeking medical help abroad include, for example, cases where doctors in the Czech Republic are unable to resolve the issue, or there may be a lack of understanding from the doctor, as happened to informant Jitka (42 years old) when she tried to explain that there was likely more behind her physical health problem than just recurring pain on the left side of her body. She also believed that Czech medicine was not equipped to address such problems, unlike the traditional medicine of Eastern regions such as China or India.
“I find it strange that most of my ailments occur on the left side of my body. It’s like, when my arm hurts, it’s the left one, when my leg hurts, it’s the left one, when I have a toothache, it’s on the left side, when I have eye problems, it’s on the left side. Of course, I can’t discuss this with my GP. So I hoped that maybe I would get some answer to this (from the shamans).” (Jitka, 42 years old) The interviewee’s testimony also highlighted cultural differences in the understanding of illness and the approach to its treatment. Other interviewees confirmed this during the interviews. “In our country (Czech Republic) we treat the body and the soul separately…” (Irena, 44 years old).
In Czech culture, simultaneous treatment of body and soul is uncommon, and the presence of meditation or breathing techniques has only entered through cultural contacts, gaining momentum in the context of globalisation. In the 1960s, several anthropologists began studying the significance of symbols within human interaction and experience in medicine. Considering the individual’s cultural environment, which influences them, numerous studies have compared Western and traditional medical systems, focusing on the socio-cultural construction of illness. The research findings confirmed the benefits of traditional medicine over modern medicine, which had failed to treat certain conditions. The failures of Western medicine are a significant factor in deciding to spend substantially more on treatment at an ayahuasca centre. Many informants believed that this journey could be the definitive solution to their problem, and that they would not need to spend additional funds on treatment once they returned home. During interviews, the informants frequently mentioned the different approach of the shaman.
“Don Mariano’s behaviour could not be compared to that of my doctor in Prague.” (Lucie, 29 years old). “He (the shaman) asked me what troubled me mentally.” (Gabriela, 37 years old). The respondents generally perceived the shaman’s approach as professional and more compassionate than that of their general practitioners. “He (the shaman) seemed like an experienced person to me…” (Jitka, 42 years old). “He (the shaman) was able to help me, unlike my GP…” (Cyril, 33 years old).
The informants also found the diagnosis of their illness more understandable, even though it was interpreted from the perspective of shamanic cosmology. Overall, the results of the physical healing were reflected by the informants as having a lasting positive effect, even after returning home. However, after resuming their usual work routine, the illness gradually returned.
Mental Healing Motivation. In contrast, the long-term effects of ayahuasca sessions can be observed in the treatment of psychological issues, where it can reach the root of the patient’s problems. Modern society often forces individuals to take on roles that are unnatural to them, leading to the emergence of various psychological issues. The workplace places high demands on individuals, who frequently work under stress. The most common patients of shaman Don Alvaro are those experiencing stress with symptoms of insomnia, anxiety, depression, and a sense of unfulfilled life. Ayahuasca treatment can help remove mental blocks that hinder personal or professional development, performing a kind of psychoanalysis that explains the causes of some unusual behaviours. The ayahuasca ritual, built on the principles of experiential therapy using breathing techniques, music, and focused work with the body, can help a person reconnect with themselves, which is one of the overarching problems in postmodern society.
The relationship between mental and physical illnesses is now widely acknowledged in medicine. In many cases, psychological factors are the primary cause of physical illnesses. In many European countries, including the Czech Republic, mental and physical treatments are still separated. General practitioners are the first to address a patient’s problem, and due to their lack of knowledge in psychosomatic medicine, they are often unable to help, even when they suspect that psychological factors are at the root of the problem. The doctor performing the initial examination first assesses the patient’s physical condition, and based on that, diagnoses the illness and prescribes treatment.[15] However, progress has been made in the field of psychosomatic treatment studies. Today’s research has begun to focus on the patient’s consciousness, dreams, meditation, mystical experiences, and the placebo effect, which have all been found to have positive effects in treatment within shamanic practices. Researchers have begun to gather information from shamans themselves, and many psychologists and psychiatrists have incorporated some shamanic techniques into their practice. It can be generally said that Western psychology today appreciates religious practices and shamanism more than in the past.[16]
An important factor is also the ritual purification (limpieza), which helps to eliminate toxins in the human body by inducing vomiting through the effects of ayahuasca. In this way, psychological blocks, which may have been acquired during the prenatal period or as a result of transgenerational family trauma, can also be removed.[17] Ayahuasca helps the individual rid themselves of everything foreign in the body, which, according to shaman Don Mateo, is the essence of illness—the presence of foreign objects and energies in the body that cause disease. The function of ayahuasca lies in correcting a person’s self-perception by clarifying the image they have been building of themselves and allowing them to release everything that weighs them down. Shaman Don Alvaro explains the importance of cleansing according to his spiritual beliefs. He refers to illness as cochinada, which literally means filth, and when it is present in the human body, it must be removed. The diet and ayahuasca can solve this problem, “because ayahuasca forces you to expel impurities from the body through vomiting, thus achieving limpieza.” (shaman Don Alvaro)
From the above, ayahuasca can be attributed healing effects in the context of mental treatment, which tend to have a long-lasting nature. This psychoactive substance, through powerful hallucinations, can help a person overcome a problem deeply buried in their subconscious, which may have originated in the prenatal period of their life, and thus could not be consciously influenced. The healing effect of ayahuasca has also been demonstrated through its cleansing properties, which contribute to both the physical and mental well-being of the individual. The positive effects of meditation using breathing techniques have long been proven in Eastern religions. Similarly, breathing exercises and the chants of icaros work on a comparable basis. However, informant Cyril (33 years old) recalls one ayahuasca evening where he had to call the shaman to interrupt his vision, which had turned into a traumatic experience filled with fear instead of euphoria, one he says he will not forget easily.
Drug Tourism Motivation. Another reason for travelling to the Peruvian Amazon is the motivation for drug tourism. In 1994, Dobkin de Rios coined the term „drug tourism“ in her article Drug Tourism in the Amazon[18] in response to the growing phenomenon of Western tourists travelling to the Peruvian, Ecuadorian, and Brazilian Amazon to experience hallucinogenic plants, particularly their mixture in the form of ayahuasca. The rise of this type of travel has been driven primarily by the affordability of flights, the spread of information about ayahuasca via the internet, and the overall conditions of globalisation, which connect geographically distant places. The phenomenon of drug tourism, which has been continuously growing over the last fifteen years, has also become its dark side, as it allows Western society access to what is often forbidden in their own countries and can be dangerous without professional supervision when consuming ayahuasca.
The motivation for drug tourism is also linked to the New Age movement.[19] The interest of young people in drug-related themes was born as a counterculture with a strong social and spiritual foundation of alternative ideas from the 1960s, positioning itself against the mainstream modern industrial societies and often breaking their established conventions. Consuming ayahuasca from a person (brujo) who uses ayahuasca primarily for financial gain can be extremely dangerous for the customer, just as the approach of a patient to ayahuasca solely as a drug to satisfy their short-term psychedelic needs can be perilous. When these mutual factors combine, the consequences of an ayahuasca ritual can be fatal. Failing to follow the diet, ignorance of ayahuasca’s effects, along with pre-existing conditions (such as high blood pressure, which can lead to a heart attack when combined with ayahuasca), at best will give the tourist nothing, and at worst, can cause death, as confirmed by shaman Don Alvaro. It often happens that there is a different understanding of what others attribute as sacred. Some tourists see ayahuasca as merely a means to achieve something, in this case, an altered state of consciousness within a psychedelic experience. The boundary between using a substance within a religious practice or merely as a pastime may not always be immediately apparent. The motivations of someone undergoing a psychedelic experience can vary—ranging from personal transformation, intensifying perception, and changing perspectives, to communicating with the sacred or for the aforementioned psychotherapeutic purposes.[20]
Shaman Don Alvaro has observed the phenomenon where Western travellers approach ayahuasca merely as a narcotic. He is highly critical of this attitude and warns of the dangers that can arise as a result: “Many travellers understand ayahuasca only as a means to achieve ecstasy. Firstly, this is a very misguided assumption, and it can be dangerous. Secondly, ayahuasca is the mother plant, it is a sacred flower, which we take as a gift, and its hospitality must not be abused, or the person will suffer. I have personally encountered cases where this happened in Pucallpa, and it continues to happen. There are many false shamans who abuse the knowledge passed down by their ancestors, and now use it solely for profit. They prepare the brew, give it to an unsuspecting tourist, and then fake the entire ritual.”
Unlike plant shamans, who drink ayahuasca to commune with the mother plant for the protection of themselves and their families from enemies, to gain insight into the future, or to treat physical, emotional, and psychological ailments, urban tourists are seeking a journey of self-actualisation and inner growth. In a postmodern world, where people no longer grow their own food for survival, where family institutions are disintegrating, and where there is an absence of communal traditions and shared beliefs, members of this individualistic society are often plagued by feelings of low self-esteem and find themselves lost in their values.[21]
Informants who decided to travel to Peru primarily out of interest in ayahuasca as a narcotic were typically younger, employed, single, and had relatively ample free time. Age also plays a role in the approach to life situations, as younger individuals tend to take a more relaxed view, are more willing to take risks, and do not think as much about the possible consequences of their decisions compared to when they are older. This is exemplified by the testimony of informant Adéla (27 years old): “Today, I would probably be wiser; with my new job, moving out, and becoming independent from my parents, I would think twice about flying so far just to try some drug, and whether I would want to try any drug at all.”
Curiosity Motivation. Curiosity, which draws travellers to exotic countries with the promise of an unusual experience, is a common reason for visiting shamans in the Amazon. The motivation of curiosity often overlaps with the motivation of drug tourism, and it can also be understood as a general reflection of postmodern society, closely tied to the concept of a ludic society, as described by Mühlpachr.[22] As living conditions in the Western world have improved, so too have the interests, values, and attitudes of the postmodern individual. Today’s person uses a computer daily for both work and personal needs, and a reaction to this situation may be an attempt to escape into a world without modern technologies. There is a typical interest in travel and spending leisure time in nature, which cities cannot provide, or in filling free time with a variety of commercial activities. Travel offers a temporary change in the lives of those who find their daily existence too monotonous.
Lifestyle represents a culturally conditioned way of satisfying an individual’s needs, tied to their values and norms. It is sometimes referred to as one’s standard of living or quality of life. It is an effort to distinguish oneself from the universal way of life of the majority, thus it operates on an individual level. We often hear the claim that someone has an original lifestyle. This can manifest, for example, in the individual’s aesthetic preferences, their daily schedule, participation in educational activities, material consumption, or increasingly in recreational activities. The possibilities for shaping one’s lifestyle today are vast, and often involve a combination of several styles related to the individual’s personal philosophy, as informant Irena (44 years old) states: “I have always been drawn to things either with an esoteric nature or those that are unique and not available here. So I tried courses in reiki, kundalini yoga, and numerology, and shamanism from the Amazon left a deep impression on me. It has now become part of my lifestyle and philosophy.” One of the main problems of postmodernism is managing the plurality of heterogeneous and diverse lifestyles in a way that still preserves the dignity of the individual within society.[23] The issue of finding originality and a specific lifestyle is closely tied to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, specifically the need for self-actualisation.[24] Self-actualisation on one hand provides opportunities for the commercial market, which offers a plethora of brands with which an individual can identify and thereby set themselves apart from the “crowd.” At the same time, the market increasingly caters to the demand for extraordinary experiences. This creates a plurality where the individual must choose between various behaviours and actions that align with their lifestyle.
Motivation to Adopt Shamanic Practices. Given the practice of shamanism in the Czech Republic, which is most often derived from the shamanism of Latin and Central America, a category focused on the motivation to adopt shamanic practices has been established. In the Czech context, the number of people who, upon returning home, decide to practice shamanism themselves or join modern shamanic movements is growing. This category reflects the possibilities of the postmodern individual, who is not bound to religious institutions and thus can seek out personal spirituality. They may look for this far from home, find what they are searching for, and then either choose to stay there or bring their experiences home to offer them to others.
Informant Gabriela (37 years old) undertook a journey to the Amazon because she felt an unfulfilled spiritual need that would complement her existing spirituality, which was composed mainly of elements from foreign religions. After participating in the ayahuasca ceremony, she became fascinated by Amazonian shamanism and considered the possibility of practicing shamanism as a profession after returning to the Czech Republic. According to Bowie[25], when a Western person decides to practice shamanism in their home environment, it is most often out of curiosity or for deeper spiritual reasons. However, a paradox arises in societies that do not traditionally recognise shamans. The most common form of shamanism in the West is observed in seminars and various séances held in nature, where there is also the opportunity to „become“ a shaman. However, attempts to practice shamanism in Western society often have little to do with the original tradition, as Vitebsky notes: “The entire history of shamanism has been shaped by traditional cultures, which form the basis of our knowledge of shamanic behaviour. This behaviour includes elements incompatible with the values of the New Age movement, such as vegetarianism, feminism, or the effort to exclude magic from healing. There is thus a risk that new shamans will create their own idealised image of shamanism and then begin to condemn traditional societies for not living up to that ideal.”[26]
A phenomenon accompanying the postmodern individual is the plurality of their spirituality, which allows them to draw from many different ideologies. Spirituality cannot be classified into a single tradition because it may include elements from entirely different realms, such as politics, science, art, sport, or psychotherapy. What permeates an individual’s spirituality is often influenced by personal experience, such as encounters with natural phenomena or interpersonal relationships, while social influence may play a secondary role. Elements from other spiritual traditions, such as Judaism, yoga and meditation practices from Eastern religious systems, esoteric concepts of cosmic energy, the existence of chakras as energy centres in the human body, and many others, may also be incorporated into personal spirituality that is not tied to any specific tradition.[27]
In the Czech Republic, there is a network of people involved in spiritual matters, often referred to as esotericism. Some of them present themselves as shamans or modern-day shamans, claiming to be able to heal through energies and herbs. These services are most commonly offered as part of commercial ventures. The presence of these elements in the Czech environment was also supported by the opening of the European branch of the Foundation for Shamanic Studies in Europe in neighbouring Austria. In the Czech Republic today, for example, there is the shamanic movement Oko Bohů, which presents itself as a Czech organisation focused on the development and exploration of consciousness through shamanic meditation and yogic techniques. The author of this project, Zdeněk Ordelt, founded it after gaining experience from shamans in Central and South America. Following his visit to Peru in 2016, he expanded his services to include teachings from Peruvian shamans. The offerings of Oko Bohů include sacred teachings that can be accessed either in the Czech Republic or through travel abroad. Ordelt also seeks to revive shamanism in the Czech environment, with a central focus on Slavic nations. The closest practice to Amazonian shamanism in the Czech Republic is found in the work of shaman Jan Rostlinka, who is behind the project Ayahuasca, shamans, and the Amazon.[28]
The spread of shamanic movements in the Czech environment is also supported by the local religious tolerance. The religious profile of the Czech Republic is characterised by one of the lowest levels of religiosity among the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This is particularly interesting when compared to neighbouring Slovakia, which remains more deeply rooted in Christianity, despite the fact that these two states were long united on the map as one. In the Czech context, there is a continued shift from institutional religious groups towards the growth of religious indifferentism or even apatheism. Religion is linked to the role of the individual, whose construction of individual identity also involves religious aspects. In today’s conditions, this identity can become highly complex and ambivalent, as it may serve as a means of personal transformation and innovation (constructed by distinguishing the self from the non-self), while also being variable, multi-layered, personal, and self-reflective. In a secular environment, there is encouragement for the growth of individual identity, which may adopt different elements than those offered by their surroundings, allowing the individual to become, for example, more original.[29]
Shamanic Tourism
Travel across geographic spaces has always been part of human history. However, it was only with the industrial revolution that significant changes occurred in work relations, transportation, communication, and subsequently in social behaviour, which we now refer to as tourism. According to the World Tourism Organization[30], two segments of travel can be identified in tourism: the first reflecting personal needs (recreation, family visits, education, health, religion/religious pilgrimages, shopping, transit, and others) and the second reflecting business and professional needs. Shamanic tourism in the Amazon region of Peru could be categorised under personal health needs (reflecting the motives of physical and mental healing) and recreational needs (reflecting the curiosity motive), or possibly religious and educational needs (reflecting the motivation to adopt shamanic practices). Sometimes shamanic tourism in the Amazon is also referred to as drug tourism, Ayahuasca tourism, or cross-cultural vegetalism. There are many options for selecting an ayahuasca ritual, both in terms of destination and the quality of services that shamanic centres are able to offer their tourists. Many tourists choose the option of participating in rituals at malocas offering all-inclusive services, rather than drinking ayahuasca with a local curandero in a small village.
Shamanic ceremonies, especially in areas such as Iquitos, Pucallpa, Tarapoto, Yurimaguas, and Puerto Maldonado, are offered as paid services, which can include accommodation for one to two weeks, several ayahuasca sessions, the provision of other herbal concoctions, seminars, or workshops. In particular, in the poorest region of the Alto Amazonas, shamanic tourism plays a significant role in financial income. Cooperation between locals and foreigners who decide to stay in the Amazon after participating in an ayahuasca ceremony and act as intermediaries for foreign tourists is common. Today, it is not uncommon for foreigners to buy land in the Amazon and build their own shamanic centres, often offering services that surpass those of local entrepreneurs.[31]
Ayahuasca Centre Dream Glade. Source: Dream Glade, https://www.dreamglade.com/gallery/.
Informant Jitka (42 years old) describes a shamanic session at the Kapitari centre as a service that could be compared in quality to some European companies. Her seven-day stay with shaman Don Lucho included meals (a diet consisting of vegetables, rice, and potatoes), accommodation in a cabin, herbs for the ayahuasca brew and other beverages, transportation by boat from Iquitos to the jungle, and the services of the shaman and translator. She found the price she paid for these services (800 USD) to be reasonable given the treatment she received. “Shamanism, in my opinion, can diagnose and remove certain problems relatively cheaply, not all, and not always. It can be an alternative to people who endlessly and fruitlessly undergo examinations on incredibly expensive medical machines. Today, we are a society that is willing to spend billions on machines, while paying peanuts to the people who operate them. We have such faith in technology, and whatever these machines don’t measure, we don’t consider scientific.” (Jitka, 42 years old). Informants Karel and Irena similarly saw the price for shamanic services as optimal, given their view of Western medicine, which they found ineffective. “When I calculate how much I’ve spent on visits to doctors, medication, and losing money through sick leave, the money spent on visiting Amazonian shamans doesn’t seem like a bad investment.” (Irena, 44 years old). Karel, who spent three months in the same shamanic centre as informant Jitka, had a similar perspective: “The money is definitely well spent, considering how much electronics we can buy and throw away after a year. Besides, look at psychologists, who also charge substantial amounts for their services and often don’t cure anything.”
Shamanic centres may also employ doctors who conduct pre-ritual examinations and intervene if necessary during the ceremony. Sometimes security personnel are present to protect against wildlife. There is also the option of paying for additional services, such as visiting nearby natural landmarks. Informant František (28 years old) mentioned that, in addition to the base price for his ten-day therapy, he paid an extra 90 USD for a trip to the Velo de la Novia waterfall near Pucallpa. According to some informants, an additional service can include a walk into the deep jungle with an experienced guide. Shamanic centres often offer discounts for visitors returning for a second ritual. Collaboration between shamanic centres and local taxi drivers or hoteliers is common, as they help each other. The growth of competition, however, can also lead to negative advertising, often spread by people in the shaman’s circle, or even local taxi drivers, who may change tourists‘ minds at the last minute, convincing them to undergo the ceremony elsewhere.[32]
Shamanic tourism represents a mutual service between the values of postmodern society and indigenous peoples, whose lives are still largely untouched by modernity. Both sides seek to gain what is scarce in their respective societies: for shamans, it is modern technologies, while for Western tourists, it is a return to nature. The shaman uses his skills to obtain the finances needed, for example, to buy a television or mobile phone, while the postmodern tourist sacrifices their money and leaves behind the world of modern technologies in order to step back in time and live, if only briefly, in harmony with nature.
Impacts of Shamanic Tourism
Like any commercial service, shamanic tourism brings with it both positive and negative impacts. In the case of tourism, the behaviour of tourists plays a significant role. Tourists exhibit specific behaviour before, during, and after travel, which is shaped by their attitudes, expectations, and reactions to the services they receive.[33] Several outcomes of shamanic tourism have already been identified, such as the emergence of false shamans, or brujos, who perform rituals solely for profit and can harm not only tourists but also their competition, whom they attempt to undermine. Similarly, there is a recurring phenomenon where a tourist, so captivated by their experience of the ayahuasca ceremony, decides to stay in the Amazon and practice shamanism themselves. Shamanic tourism also triggers internal migration within Peru, as locals move to the Amazon to take advantage of the growing demand, creating another layer of competition. This can have positive economic effects, but, according to shaman Don Alvaro, the resentment of „near-locals“ can be much harsher: „Local shamans rarely tolerate someone with similar traits in their territory, and they tend to exert more control over them.“
Many of these pseudo-shamans, as Don Alvaro calls his compatriots, use harmful substances that can cause long-term mental damage. It also sometimes happens that they exploit the effects of ayahuasca to seduce women. According to Don Alvaro, this type of shaman is often among the wealthiest in the area, offering services similar to those of travel agencies, operating within a larger, organised network of business relationships.
As late as the 1980s, when Eduardo Luna’s work Vegetalismo[34] was published, the author believed that despite the high degree of individuality among Amazonian vegetalist shamans, there was still a willingness to share knowledge with colleagues through informal networks. Today, the situation has changed drastically, and rivalry among shamans is more common, which can eventually lead to such mistrust that the tradition of passing on shamanic knowledge within the family is disrupted. Don Alvaro states that with the increase in shamanic centres in Pucallpa, he can no longer even trust members of his own family, and after a bad experience, he now guards the tradition for himself alone.
According to Fotiou[35], shamans‘ response to growing competition in the field is to raise their prices, as they feel their market position might be threatened. This creates hostility within the local community and leads to mutual resentment. This situation is also noticeable to tourists, who then reconsider whether to seek services elsewhere or take advantage of the situation to negotiate a lower price. The current form of ayahuasca shamanism is no longer as authentic (locally endogenous and unchanging) but is instead the result of cultural contact between Western society and Amazonian natives and the relationships that have arisen as a result. The creation of these intercultural processes is often attributed to mediators who forge these connections, linking Western demand with local supply. These mediators are most often Westerners who first learned the skills from shamans and then helped them during ceremonies or led them themselves. These shamans are often referred to as „gringo shamans.“ Lastly, there are also environmental impacts from shamanic tourism. It is not only the effects of tourist behaviour, which can contribute to the devastation of the Amazon rainforest, but also the damage caused by the excessive cultivation of plants for ceremonies and research purposes.[36]
Conclusion
This article examined the significance of shamanism for Western tourists in the postmodern era, using the example of Czech tourists travelling to the Peruvian Amazon. Through the dual perspectives of shamans and tourists, it was shown what meanings each group attaches to shamanism and which are misunderstood or even dangerous in the eyes of Western tourists. The reasons for the increased interest of Czech tourists in travelling to the Peruvian Amazon were defined based on their most common testimonies and the meanings they attributed to local shamanism. A total of five motives for Czech tourists visiting ayahuasca centres were identified: the motive of physical healing, the motive of psychological healing, the motive of drug tourism, the motive of curiosity, and the motive of adopting shamanic practices.
The most important motive was physical healing. The informants’ trust in Western medicine is gradually declining because it does not address the root of the problem and fails to resolve psychosomatic issues at the outset. In contrast, trust in shamanism was found to be positive among informants, primarily due to the human approach of the shaman, his clear interpretation of illness through visions, and the meditative chants of icaros. It is evident that shamanism holds great significance in treating the physical aspect of the body. At the same time, it is clear that the informants had become accustomed to separating physical and psychological treatment, as is typical of Western healthcare. The motive of psychological healing was the second most significant reason for seeking out shamans. The long-term effects of treating the mental aspect of the body were observed by the informants even after returning home. Today’s world places high demands on individuals in the workplace, and poor performance can result in not having one’s employment contract renewed. The uncertainty that accompanies the everyday life of a postmodern person can be very stressful, and not everyone can afford the services of a psychologist. The significance attributed to psychological healing is developing within modern science, which recognises shamanic treatment as positive, and its integration into Western healthcare would make sense.
The motive of drug tourism and the motive of curiosity reflect the needs of postmodern individuals living in a society where they constantly feel they are lacking something and strive to find something new to fill their free time. These motives are particularly typical for young people, as better employment conditions and living standards open the door to these possibilities, as does the easier access to travel in today’s globalised world. The motivation to adopt shamanic practices is gradually becoming a phenomenon in the Czech Republic, where two groups can be identified. The first group consists of modern shamans interested in esotericism and closely aligned with the New Age movement, who travel to Amazonian shamans specifically to further develop their personal spirituality. The second group arises incidentally after returning from an ayahuasca centre, when individuals decide to adopt shamanic practices and begin practising either in the Amazon or back home in the Czech Republic. This practice can manifest in the form of offering commercial shamanic healing services or organising trips for ayahuasca ceremonies in the Peruvian Amazon.
Thanks to the geographic appeal of Peru, the open nature of Amazonian shamanism, and the motivations of Western travellers heading to the Peruvian Amazon, a new segment of tourism called shamanic tourism has emerged. On the one hand, it brings benefits in the form of an improved standard of living for local inhabitants, but on the other, the increasing encroachment of people into the Amazon rainforest contributes to its gradual destruction, as well as the erosion of the tradition of Amazonian shamanism. Shamanism could also be interpreted as a mutual exchange of scarce values between postmodern and traditional societies. The postmodern individual longs for a life in harmony with nature, without modern technologies, while for shamans, the need is to acquire this modernity.
[1] All names of respondents are anonymised in this work due to the handling of personal information; therefore, the names of the shamans and tourist informants mentioned herein should be considered fictitious.
[2] Curandero, from the Spanish word curar – to heal.
[3] Vegetalista refers to mestizo Indians – specialists in the use of plants for healing others.
[4] Ayahuasca is a herbal beverage, primarily combining the vine Banisteriopsis caapi and Psychotria viridis, containing substances that induce psychoactive effects.
[5] LUNA, Luis Eduardo. op. cit., p. 79.
[6] VITEBSKY, Piers. The Shaman. London: Macmillan, 1995. ISBN 9780333638477, p. 48.
[7] BEYER, Stephan V. Singing to the Plants: A Guide to Mestizo Shamanism in the Upper Amazon. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2009. ISBN 9780826347299, p. 77.
[8] LUNA, Luis Eduardo. Vegetalismo: op. cit., p. 44.
[9] Maloca is a wooden dwelling where ayahuasca ceremonies are held.
[10] Author’s field notes.
[11] Icaros are magical songs whose primary function during a ritual is to summon the spirit of the plant-teacher or deceased shamans, to enable travel to other realms, to interact with beings from other worlds, to adjust visions, to heal (icaros themselves possess curative power), and to hunt animals. LUNA, Luis Eduardo. op. cit., p. 108.
[12] Author’s field notes.
[13] CAVNAR, Clancy and LABATE, Beatriz. Ayahuasca Shamanism in the Amazon and Beyond. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. ISBN 978-0199341207.
[14] DOBKIN DE RIOS, Marlene and RUMRRILL, Roger. A Hallucinogenic Tea, Laced with Controversy: Ayahuasca in the Amazon and the United States. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2008. ISBN 978-0-313-34542-5.
[15] Když hlava ubližuje tělu. [online] Česká televize.
[16] WALSH, Roger N. The World of Shamanism: New Views of An Ancient Tradition. Woodbury, Minn.: Llewellyn Publications, 2007. ISBN 978-0-7387, p. 18.
[17] HORÁK, Miroslav. Případ Takivasi. Koncept tradiční domorodé medicíny peruánské Amazonie. Antropowebzin 2/2010, pp. 101–107.
[18] DOBKIN DE RIOS, Marlene. Drug Tourism in the Amazon [online].
[19] New Age represents a movement that emerged in the 1970s in the USA, proclaiming the arrival of a “new age” of love and light, and further predicting a forthcoming era of personal transformation, healing, and the search for new spirituality. New Age Movement [online].
[20] LUŽNÝ, Dušan. Neo-shamanism: Postmodern Techniques of Ecstasy. Religio: revue pro religionistiku, Brno: Česká společnost pro studium náboženství Brno, 1995/2, pp. 169–180.
[21] DOBKIN DE RIOS, Marlene and RUMRRILL, Roger. A Hallucinogenic Tea, Laced with Controversy: Ayahuasca in the Amazon and the United States. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2008. ISBN 978-0-313-34542-5, pp. 69–70.
[22] A society that loves to play and pushes work obligations to the background when they lack playfulness. MÜHLPACHR, Pavel. Životní styl mládeže jako příčina sociálního handicapu [online].
[23] MÜHLPACHR, Pavel. ibid.
[24] Maslow’s hierarchy of needs should be understood in an ascending order of importance for satisfying an individual’s needs. First, physiological needs must be met, after which safety, belonging, love, esteem, and finally self-actualisation can be addressed. MASLOW, Abraham. Religions, Values, and Peak Experiences. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1964.
[25] BOWIE, Fiona. Antropologie náboženství. Prague: Portál, 2008. ISBN 978-80-7367-3789, p. 169.
[26] VITEBSKY, Piers. The Shaman. London: Macmillan, 1995. ISBN 9780333638477, p. 151.
[27] VOJTÍŠEK, Zdeněk. Rozpoznat neviditelné. Dingir 3-2010, Prague: Dingir, p. 105.
[28] ROSTLINKA, Jan. Ayahuasca, šamani a Amazonie [online].
[29] LUŽNÝ, Dušan and NAVRÁTILOVÁ, Jolana. Náboženství a sekularizace v České republice [online].
[30] Tourism Highlights [online].
[31] HOMAN, Joshua. Charlatans, Seekers and Shamans: The Ayahuasca Boom in Western Peruvian Amazon [online].
[32] Field notes from the author’s diary.
[33] MARCH, Roger and WOODSIDE, Arch. Tourism Behaviour: Traveller’s Decisions and Actions. Cambridge, MA: CABI Pub., 2005. ISBN 0851990215.
[34] LUNA, Luis Eduardo. op. cit., p. 108.
[35] FOTIOU, Evgenia. From Medicine Men to Day Trippers: Shamanic Tourism in Iquitos, Peru [online].
[36] For instance, the non-profit organisation Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies has become a leading representative in the research of various psychedelics (and generally within the model of healing or harm reduction). The organisation is thus working to obtain the necessary permits to cultivate certain plants and make them available for its own purposes. DOBKIN DE RIOS, Marlene and RUMRRILL, Roger. A Hallucinogenic Tea, Laced with Controversy: Ayahuasca in the Amazon and the United States. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2008. ISBN 978-0-313-34542-5, p. 135.
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