Author: Nikola Schullerová
Affiliation: Faculty of Economics and Management, CULS Prague, Kamýcká 129, 165 21 Praha-Suchdol, Czech Republic
Email: nikola.schuller@gmail.com
Language: Czech / English
Issue: 1/2018
Pages: 3–17 (15 pages)
Keywords: Ritual, Sufism, qualitative research, religious group, Naqshbandi-Haqqani
Abstract
This paper focuses on determining the primary meanings and functions of selected rituals in the life of the Naqshbandi-Haqqani Sufi order. The theoretical component explores key terms and concepts relating to the meanings and functions of ritual, rites of passage, and the role of ritual in religion. In the practical component of the thesis, a particular religious group is discussed in the broader context of Sufism and the Naqshbandi order. The present-day situation is principally described in relation to the Sufi centre in Germany Osmanische Herberge, where the long-term field research was conducted. Selected rituals explored in the research include the initiation ceremony bajca, rites of recollection dhikr and hadra, and the wedding ceremony. In each case, the fundamental meanings and functions of each ritual for the group are analysed.
PDF [cz]
Introduction
Islam is very much a subject of contemporary discussion, engaged with by both scholars and the wider public. The topic of Sufism, however, is rarely introduced into these debates by the media or lay audiences—unlike within the academic community, which devotes considerably more attention to the phenomenon of Sufism. Sufism could provide responses to the pressing issues associated with the aforementioned questions. For this reason, it is a highly significant subject.
The term “Sufism” can be simply explained as Islamic mysticism or the spiritual dimension of Islam. It builds on a very rich and diverse philosophical and mystical tradition, and consequently is by its nature a concept that is difficult to grasp. The order under examination, Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya, and in particular its German‑language community centred around Sheikh Hassan Dyck, is an example of lived contemporary Sufism that unites theory and practice. Members regard themselves as Muslims and followers of the Prophet Muhammad, who have chosen to pursue a mystical path under the guidance of a Sheikh. The group under study is not widely known to the general public, despite offering a singular example of a tolerant Islamic path located right in the heart of Europe.
The selected rituals of the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order are initiatory rites, wedding rites and remembrance rituals (dhikr and hadra). These particular rituals were chosen for their distinctiveness, which was utilised in determining what meanings and functions these rituals fulfil. In the concluding summary of the field research findings, the significance of the ritual is understood more from the perspective of the order’s members and their motivation to participate in the ritual. As for the function, greater emphasis is placed on the community as a whole and on the role that the ritual plays in the life of the order.
Methodology
This study is based on field research of the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order. The fieldwork took place in the German town of Kall‑Sötenich, where the Sufi communal centre known as Osmanische Herberge, centred around Sheikh Hassan Dyck, is located. The research was conducted specifically in July and December 2016, and in 2017. The researcher also drew upon earlier contacts with the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order. Initial contact with members of the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya group was established in Prague back in March 2011. The principal method used in this research was participant observation of the members of the examined Sufi order and their rituals. The participant observation was complemented by semi‑structured interviews centred around pre‑prepared thematic areas. The objective of these interviews was to ascertain deeper information on how the selected rituals were experienced by the respondents, how they described them, what significance they attributed to them and what influence these rituals exert on their lives and on the life of the entire group.
The Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya Order
The Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order is currently one of the most active and most significant Sufi orders in the world. This ṭarīqa is also very successful and popular in the West, where it has managed to establish very firm roots. The order under study today is considerably interconnected and has a very global character, even though the local communities maintain a certain degree of autonomy. Local communities are formed not on the basis of member migration, but primarily based on the travels of Sheikh Nazim.
The history of this order derives from the history of the Naqshbandīya ṭarīqa, which of course traces its chain of succession (silsila)—just like other Sufi orders—back to the Prophet Muhammad, who according to tradition passed mystical knowledge to his close companion, later the first caliph, Abu Bakr as‑Siddiq. The name of the order originates from Muhammad b. Muhammad Bahāʾ al‑Dīn Naqshband, who appears in the silsila in seventeenth position. Naqshband came from a village near Bukhara. He received knowledge immediately from two prominent Sheikhs, as‑Samāsī and Amir Kulal, who preceded him in the order’s silsila. According to the order’s tradition, Naqshband lived an ascetic life, had numerous visions and mystical experiences. He introduced the tradition of silent dhikr into the order—an attribute that is typical for the Naqshbandīya order and has been maintained to this day, even though today loud dhikr is also used in gatherings. Naqshband died in 1389 in his native village near Bukhara and his tomb remains a very important pilgrimage site. The Naqshbandīya order further expanded throughout Central Asia, into India, China and the Ottoman Empire, especially during its greatest flourishing in the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries.
For the present study and research into the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order it is essential to mention the figure of Sheikh Muhammad Nazim ʿAdil al‑Haqqānī, abbreviated as Sheikh Nazim. His personal charisma and focus on the West significantly contributed to the expansion of the order. Sheikh Nazim was born in 1922 in the Turkish part of present‑day Cyprus. On his father’s side his origin reaches back to Abd al‑Qadir al‑Jilani, founder of the Qadiriyya order; on his mother’s side he is connected by kinship to Rumi, founder of the well‑known Mawlawiyya order. He also traces his bloodline back to the Prophet Muhammad himself. Owing to his familial spiritual disposition, he began to receive religious education at an early age. The order’s tradition created around Sheikh Nazim a number of legends and myths, which illustrate his pure character and high spiritual knowledge.
During Sheikh Nazim’s lifetime the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order first spread to Cyprus, Syria, Lebanon and Turkey. The activities of Sheikh Nazim are associated with his having expanded the order beyond these traditional territories. He focused on Western Europe, where he noticed a great hunger for spiritual life and knowledge. The order took hold in the United Kingdom, Spain and Germany. Later the order also grew into the United States of America, Canada, Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia and so on. In later years of his life Sheikh Nazim settled again in the Turkish part of Cyprus in Lefke, where he built the order’s centre. People from all around the world came to him there, attracted by his charisma. These visits remain a very frequent topic of conversation among the order’s members, who fondly and nostalgically recall Sheikh Nazim and the unique atmosphere of the Cypriot visits.
Contemporary Activity of the Group
Following the death of Sheikh Nazim, it was assumed that the role of the supreme Sheikh of the order would be taken up by Sheikh Hisham Kabbani, who in 1991 was appointed by Nazim as his representative for the USA. Sheikh Hisham Kabbani is a very active and visible member of the ṭarīqa and made a significant contribution to the expansion of the order in the West. Even so, he has had his critics and opponents. After Sheikh Nazim’s death certain confusion emerged regarding succession. The members with whom the researcher was in contact followed the current stream that now follows the son of Sheikh Nazim, whom Sheikh Nazim had appointed as his successor before his death, specifically in 2011. Sheikh Muhammad Mehmet Adil today resides in Turkey, but spends a longer period each year also in Cyprus, where his father’s tomb is located and where the dargah of the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order is sited.
The German centre Osmanische Herberge is firmly associated with the person of Sheikh Hassan Dyck, who was born in 1946 in Germany as Peter Christian Dyck. He studied at a music conservatory and in 1970, during a study trip to India, was first introduced to Islamic spirituality. After converting to Islam in 1975 he adopted the name Hassan and married. Following a year’s study of Arabic and the Qur’an in Medina, the family moved in 1979 to Syria, where Sheikh Hassan began to follow Sheikh Nazim. In 1985 the family returned to Germany to propagate the teachings of Sheikh Nazim. In 1995 Sheikh Hassan founded Osmanische Herberge and continued to organise pilgrimages to Mecca for German believers.
In this centre Sheikh Hassan holds regular dhikrs, sermons or talks with the Sheikh known as suhba. In addition, he still travels abroad and organises seminars combined with concerts by his band Muhabbat Caravan. On the grounds of Osmanische Herberge there are two mosques—or rather prayer rooms—one smaller and one larger. Both prayer‑rooms have the possibility of dividing the women’s prayer space by a light and almost transparent curtain. In the large mosque there is also a stage, where lectures, lessons, concerts and larger gatherings take place. At Osmanische Herberge there is also accommodation for men and women, a kitchen, a dance hall, a public restaurant, ablution facilities, private apartments, a sports field and a garden. Members of the order themselves and visitors to the centre most often refer to this place as a dargah, thereby emphasizing the dual purpose of the place: worship of God and fellowship with others. In the centre Osmanische Herberge however everyone is welcome, regardless of religion. Anyone may participate in all the activities and rituals conducted there.
Besides the rituals that are further analysed, a number of other rituals and traditions can be traced through observation within the order. According to informants, most of these customs follow the sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad. For example, in the order it is customary to fall silent when the call to prayer (adhān) sounds and to suspend conversation during that time. Some stand and remain standing throughout the adhān, while others simply stand up and sit down again. In the centre Osmanische Herberge there is a certain indirect pressure for such external displays of piety. This then manifests in the overuse of certain phrases, such as bismillah, or inshāʾAllāh, mashāʾAllāh, al‑ḥamdu‑li‑llāh and so forth. It is striking how quickly these phrases come under the skin and are repeatedly used by others. The order observes the five obligatory daily prayers, but beyond that there are numerous recommended sunna prayers. After the communal obligatory prayer, a short dhikr is conducted while seated, usually in the form of the first part of the shahāda.
The Ritual: Entry into the Religious Order
The ritual of entry into the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order is called bāʾ͂a. According to some views, however, it is only the initial act that the disciple (murīd) must perform. The murīd’s path, however, is very long and in no way ends with this ritual; on the contrary, it only begins with it. To understand the bāʾ͂a it is essential to pause at the role of the Sheikh in the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order.
The figure of the Sheikh in the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order is very important; in fact, it is the single most significant aspect of what makes the order an order. The highest‑ranking Sheikh (currently Sheikh Muhammad Mehmet Adil) has around the world his hierarchically lower deputies, around whom individual communities form. The Sheikh is the representative of the Prophet Muhammad today through his presence. As such he also has similar qualities and characteristics. The Sheikh bases his authority on the order’s silsila, which connects him with the entire chain up to the Prophet. Through this connection also flows the special blessing (baraka). The supreme Sheikh was passed his succession by the previous Sheikh of the order. Without this authorisation it would not have been possible for him to become Sheikh of the entire order. The Sheikh has attained a certain level of maqām and is often therefore referred to as walī, or friend of God. The Sheikh acts as intermediary between the apprentice and God through the Prophet Muhammad.
On the spiritual path it is essential to have a guide, and for this order the living presence and maintained bond with the Sheikh is very important. From the Sheikh the disciple learns correct ways, ethics, doctrine, religious practices just as the Prophet Muhammad taught. The disciple should consult with the Sheikh on major life decisions, chiefly in the case of travel, marriage and divorce, since these matters may have particularly profound consequences for the disciple’s spiritual life. The Sheikh is a deeply respected person; the respect is related to the order’s ethics of adab, which defines appropriate relationships between Sheikh and murīd and also among members of the order themselves. For example, during visits of the Sheikh someone is always attending to his comfort. The Sheikh always sits higher than everyone else, one does not interrupt him, one does not contradict him, his opinions are not questioned.
Thus the Sheikh is an indispensable figure for the order and has an irreplaceable place in all the order’s rituals and practices, whether in dhikr and hadra or for example in the wedding ritual. The leading role of the Sheikh is also frequently criticised and debated. The criticism points to associating the Sheikh with God, which in Islam is termed shirk and is one of the gravest sins. The Sheikh, however, represents rather the path and the connection with the mystical tradition than an object of worship. From an anthropological viewpoint the Sheikh thus stands at the very centre of the rituals; theologically, however, everything is focused on God.
The ritual in which the disciple officially enters the order and becomes the student of the Sheikh is called bāʾ͂a. This ceremony is already referenced in the Qur’ān and Sunnah, since the earliest Muslims pledged allegiance to the Prophet—men, women and children alike, both individually and collectively. The bāʾ͂a is therefore primarily a pledge and oath of loyalty. After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, similarly, Muslims pledged allegiance to later caliphs, his successors.
Unlike in other orders, the bāʾ͂a in the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order is not overly complicated or formalised. The person wishing to enter the order places their right hand in the Sheikh’s, or grasps his staff. Usually others then join, placing their hands over those of the newcomer, then others place the right hand over the right shoulder of the person before them, thereby forming a chain or pattern. The blessing or energy (baraka) is transmitted through direct contact between participants. During the collective connection the Sheikh recites prayers and formulations in Arabic relating to the pledge, and then together all recite three times Allahu, Allahu, Allahu Haqq. Only afterwards may the chain dissolve and each individual silently recite the Qur’anic sūrah al‑Fātiḥah. The murīd thus with this ritual commits to follow the Sheikh, and the Sheikh commits to spiritually guide his disciples. It is therefore a mutual bond, which should not be taken lightly.
Bāʾ͂a as Tradition and Agreement
The ritual of bāʾ͂a is a tradition that refers back to the Prophet Muhammad. Informants repeatedly emphasise the bāʾ͂a especially as a tradition that is necessary and appropriate to uphold, because it is part of the Sunnah. At the time of the Prophet the bāʾ͂a had a stronger political significance than it does today. Informants perceive the significance of this ritual particularly in the spiritual journey and the connection with the Sheikh which thereby emerges. Moreover, it is a reaffirmation of the commitment that the person will follow Islam and the Prophet. It is also the Sheikh’s confirmation and promise that he will be a spiritual teacher—as discussed in the section on the Sheikh. During the ritual a handshake takes place as a sign of the conclusion of this agreement, which is made in the presence of additional witnesses, thereby according to Sheikh Hassan brings greater blessing. Ideally after the bāʾ͂a the new disciple should be ready at any time to submit to the will of the Sheikh and to observe adab.
Much like the wedding ritual, the bāʿa is a relatively simple act, not demanding in its execution or performance. Nevertheless, both rituals are taken very seriously due to their profound consequences—particularly for the spiritual development of the individual. For the new disciple, a new life and new possibilities open up, alongside potential new obstacles, in a manner comparable to entering into marriage. Just as a wedding has implications for both partners, the bāʿa also has consequences for the other party involved—the Sheikh. The initiation ritual is a public act performed in front of witnesses, which lends it further gravity and importance. It reinforces the bond between Sheikh and disciple, potentially serving as a powerful source of motivation for the disciple. The new disciple may be inspired to pursue greater self-discipline and personal growth.
Without the ritual of bāʿa, one cannot embark upon the spiritual path, as it is essential to be guided by a living Sheikh. At the same time, without this ritual the Sheikh would have no disciples; bāʿa therefore enhances both the prestige and authority of the Sheikh, and by extension, the entire order. For this reason, bāʿa is often used as a promotional tool—it is frequently referenced, recorded, and disseminated. It serves as visible proof of successful transmission of teachings. After the death of Sheikh Nazim, all his representatives and disciples were required to perform a new bāʿa in the hands of his successor, Sheikh Muhammad Mehmet Adil. In such a context, the ritual also takes on political significance: had the bāʿa not been renewed, an uncomfortable situation could have arisen within the order, possibly resulting in division or schism.
Bāʿa as a Bond and Communal Consciousness
The ritual of bāʿa signifies a significant transition from one stage of life to another and transforms interpersonal relationships. Through the ritual, transitions occur more smoothly, and relationships between individuals are clarified. In this sense, it is a rite of passage. The shahāda, which naturally precedes the bāʿa, as well as the bāʿa itself, are both of great importance—not only for the individual, but for the entire community. The ritual strengthens shared religious sentiment and community identity, while also redefining interpersonal ties. One female informant (F), for instance, described the bāʿa ritual primarily as a family bond[30]. The ritual unites people and, from formerly unrelated individuals, creates a community through shared faith and values. At the same time, it grants the newcomer a new identity, accompanied by new rights and obligations. Not only does the newly initiated member become part of a new community, but they are also symbolically separated from their original environment and previous role.[31] The meaning of bāʿa lies in providing a threshold between the old and the new life, the latter offering great hope for transformation. It simultaneously imposes new responsibilities and roles. The strength and seriousness of the commitment inherent in bāʿa thus act as a driving force for further religious practice and personal development.
Ritual: Dhikr/Hadra
Dhikr, in simple terms, refers to the remembrance of God, and as such, it exists outside of Sufism as well. The act of remembering God is considered a meritorious deed, already praised in the Qur’an. The virtue and significance of dhikr is affirmed not only by the Qur’an but also by the Sunna. Within Sufism, dhikr has developed into a ritual that can take both individual and collective forms. Each Sufi order maintains its own particular way of conducting dhikr, with a strong emphasis on preserving and passing down a prescribed form through generations. Dhikr can be performed either silently or aloud, and may or may not involve musical instruments.[32] During dhikr, participants typically recite the Names of God, Divine attributes, passages from the Qur’an, and praises of the Prophet.
Traditionally, dhikr in the Naqshbandiyya order has been silent, setting it slightly apart from other Sufi orders. Today, however, in the Naqshbandiyya Haqqaniyya order, the collective, group-based form of dhikr known as khatm al-khwājagān is also strongly present, and this study primarily focuses on that form. Nevertheless, personal and individual dhikr continues to hold a crucial role in the spiritual development of each believer.[33]
Hadra is a ritual that incorporates dhikr, along with singing and dancing. Believers themselves often refer to hadra as a form of dhikr, though it combines physical movement and ecstatic experience. A similar ritual, blending dance and dhikr, is the samāʿ ceremony, famously practised by the whirling dervishes of the Mawlawiyya order.[34] Essentially, hadra is a type of dhikr enriched by physical expression. The central figure remains the Sheikh, who stands at the centre of the circle and sets and regulates the rhythm of the ritual with his staff. Hadra is more frequently accompanied by music than dhikr alone. The recitations by participants are generally similar to those in dhikr.
Dhikr as Contact with the Sacred, a Spiritual Dimension
The spiritual and religious function of dhikr—through which the believer draws closer to God by invoking Him—is typically the primary purpose of the ritual. In this sense, dhikr is a form of contact with the sacred sphere. Unlike Islamic prayer, dhikr does not require ritual purification beforehand, although it is recommended. As such, the ritual also serves a separating function, marking the transition of the believer from one realm into another.[35] Dhikr is generally performed in a mosque or designated prayer space. For this reason, shoes must be removed before entry—another symbol of entry into sacred space. In accordance with van Gennep’s concept of thresholds, it can be said that crossing the symbolic threshold—represented here by the beginning of the carpet—marks entry into the sacred realm where contact with the divine takes place.
Dhikr and hadra have an important purificatory function. They are capable of cleansing the individual—more specifically the heart, which in Sufism is especially significant. Through the remembrance of God, the believer opens their heart, purifies it and fills it with nobler thoughts. This way they combat their ego (nafs) – sometimes also referred to as the soul – which resides in the mind and harbours all negative human qualities, such as pride. The ego inclines toward the imagined evil side, allied with Satan. In the heart, conversely, resides the human spirit (rūḥ) and God’s light (nūr). The ego does not want the person to worship God, and so by various means it seduces them away from the right path. Through the spirit – not via the rational mind – one may reconnect with God. Only by submitting oneself to God can one free oneself from the dominance of the ego. On this fundamental dichotomy of ego and spirit are then elaborated further pairs of opposites: mind/heart, rational/spiritual, pride/humility.[36] As a consequence of this purificatory function of the ritual is also a positive effect on the human psyche, which informants describe. The use of Qur’anic recitation, the mentioning of God’s names and the honouring of the Prophet often have on the believer an unusual emotional effect and it is therefore not uncommon for some participants to weep during dhikr. The emotional component is further amplified by the previously mentioned gradual escalation of tempo, at which point one reaches a certain climax and then subsides into calm once more.
Dhikr/hadra as Community Reinforcement
The sense of belonging and brotherhood/sisterhood is strongly felt even in the centre of the Osmanische Herberge, and even more so during the ritual itself. The mere fact that the individual’s own voice merges with often dozens of other voices is a powerful bonding element. During the ritual the individual seems to cease existing as an isolated being and becomes part of the whole, united in a common purpose. The awareness that all present have gathered for the same intention significantly strengthens the collective feeling. During the ritual the emotional responses described above also occur and the subsequent sense of calm—which might be described as a kind of psychological or even spiritual catharsis—reinforces the communal atmosphere of the place and its rituals. Before and after the ritual participants chat cheerfully among themselves about various topics.
In the case of monthly gatherings a communal dinner is served free of charge before the dhikr and hadra[37] for all those present. These shared moments further emphasise the atmosphere of a unified community. The sense of belonging within the community and the connection through dhikr are very strong. The common dhikr and hadra might also be described as “identification” rituals. It is indeed the shared dhikr or hadra that most distinguishes a Sufi order from ordinary Muslims.[38]
Dhikr/hadra as a Form of Recreation
In the case of dhikr the strong feeling of tranquillity and release was mentioned. An analogous effect is of course also present during and after the ritual of hadra, since it is merely a more active form of dhikr. Both dhikr and hadra are also sources of positive energy. In the most intense moments participants may jump, clap or dance in a state which might be termed religious ecstasy. However, the trance itself is not the goal of dhikr nor hadra within the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order, despite the fact that Sufism is often associated with it. It is not only the energy that the participant acquires during the ritual—it is also the energy that they give. For the participants the ritual is a welcome and permissible form of recreation. For that reason the hadra is very popular also among young people. They may physically engage themselves in a harmless, indeed beneficial way during the ritual, helping them to maintain psychological well‑being and balance. Since participants know one another, these rituals also serve as very welcome social gatherings with friends. At the same time, the ritual helps to release accumulated negative thoughts, anger, sadness, and so forth. It functions as a vent for negative energy. This prevents its accumulation within the community. The ritual assists in maintaining solidarity and harmony in the community. At the same time the ritual [39] allows people to behave for a set period differently than they would outside the ritual environment. After the excitement, the shared experience and the recreation, they then return to their ordinary roles.
Ritual: Marriage
The traditional Islamic wedding ceremony is, above all, a contract. It is an agreement between the two parties known as the nikāḥ. An Islamic marriage is performed in the presence of two witnesses and is formally concluded between the groom and the bride’s representative, the walī, who is typically the closest male relative of the bride or, in some cases, an Islamic judge. The walī acts as representative and protector of the woman’s rights in the case of future disputes. A key element of the wedding is the presentation of the dowry to the bride, the mahr.[40] This conception of the marriage ritual is also present in the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order. As already stated, the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order follows the sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad and for that reason the marriage ritual cannot significantly diverge from the Islamic marriage contract. The difference noted by informants concerned primarily the presence of the Sheikh during the ceremony and a greater emphasis on the spiritual dimension of the marriage. Further differences in the wedding customs and rituals in the Naqshbandīya Ḥaqqānīya order arise mainly from the cultural backgrounds of individual believers.
[1] This article builds upon the master’s thesis Význam a funkce vybraných rituálů v životě súfijského řádu Naqshbandi-Haqqani.
[2] For an insightful perspective on mysticism, see: SCHIMMEL, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975. ISBN 0-8078-1223-4, pp. 3–5.
[3] Defining these rituals under one collective term is not straightforward. The title is derived from their core characteristic—remembrance of God. See the dedicated chapter for details. The English expression “rite of recollection” is used by WEISMANN, Itzchak. The Naqshbandiyya. Orthodoxy and activism in a worldwide Sufi tradition. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007. Routledge Sufi Series. ISBN 0-203-94743-6, p. 1.
[4] After Sheikh Nazim’s death, names such as *Naqshbandiyya Nazimiyya* or *Naqshbandiyya Rabbaniyya* began to appear. Informants did not insist on exact terminology; faith in God and following Sheikh Nazim’s teachings were considered more essential. Field notes, 3 March 2017, Osmanische Herberge.
[5] DRAPER, Mustafa, NIELSEN, Jorgen S., YEMELIANOVA, Galina. Transnational Sufism: the Haqqaniyya. In: MALIK, Jamal, HINELLS, John (eds.). Sufism in the West. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006. pp. 103–114. ISBN 0-415-27407-9, p. 113.
[6] The Naqshbandiyya Haqqaniyya is one of the branches of the Naqshbandi order. Other branches include, for example, the *Naqshbandiyya Mujaddidiyya*, which builds on the teachings of Ahmad Sirhindi (25th in the silsila) and diverged from the mainstream. WEISMANN, Itzchak. The Naqshbandiyya. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007. ISBN 0-203-94743-6, p. 49.
[7] KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2nd ed. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0. pp. 199–235.
[8] KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Súfismus, dějiny islámské mystiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2008. ISBN 978-80-7021-817-4. pp. 224–225.
[9] Members of the order commonly refer to him as Sheikh Nazim or Mawlānā (“our master”). For outsiders, distinguishing between the figures of the order can be confusing, as the title „sheikh“ is not used strictly.
[10] KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2nd ed. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0. pp. 461–479.
[11] Ibid., pp. 493–511.
[12] Field notes, 4 March 2017, Osmanische Herberge.
[13] See, for instance: STJERNHOLM, Simon. A translocal Sufi movement: Developments among Naqshbandi-Haqqani in London. In: RAUDVERE, Catharina, STENBERG, Leif (eds.). Sufism Today. Heritage and Tradition in the Global Community. London: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2009. pp. 83–102. ISBN 978-1-84511-762-7, p. 100.
[14] SUFI PATH OF LOVE. Sheikh Nazim Al-Haqqani. Sufi Path of Love: Platform Naqshbandi Haqqani Rabbani Holland [online]. [accessed 11 March 2017]. Available at: https://sufipathoflove.com/sheikh-nazim/
[15] OSMANISCHE HERBERGE. Sheikh Hassan – der Gründer und Imam der Herberge. Osmanische Herberge [online]. [accessed 11 March 2017]. Available at: http://www.osmanische-herberge.de/de/sheikh_hassan.php.
[16] A dargah is typically a shrine or tomb of a Sufi saint. “Order house (tekke) at the tomb of the founder.” KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Súfismus, dějiny islámské mystiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2008. ISBN 978-80-7021-817-4. p. 330.
[17] OSMANISCHE HERBERGE. Was ist eine Sufi Dergah? Osmanische Herberge [online]. [accessed 11 March 2017]. Available at: http://www.osmanische-herberge.de/de/sufi_dergah.php.
[18] The call to prayer in the Osmanische Herberge is performed live, most often from the room where the restaurant is located.
[19] See also: KŘÍŽEK, Daniel. Taríqa naqšbandíja haqqáníja: islámská mystická duchovní nauka v teorii a praxi. 1st ed. Plzeň: Západočeská univerzita, Fakulta filozofická in cooperation with Institut paměti společnosti a krajiny, 2014. ISBN 978-80-261-0271-7. p. 115.
[20] This dynamic is also described in detail by Atay in his dissertation research, where he reflects on his personal transformation and perception of such outward expressions. ATAY, Tayfun. Naqshbandi Sufis in a Western Setting. London, 1994. Doctoral thesis. University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies. Supervisors: Richard TAPPER and Nancy Lindisfarne. pp. 108–111.
[21] The shahāda is the Islamic declaration of faith: “I bear witness that there is no god but God, and Muhammad is the messenger of God.” In dhikr, the phrase “lā ilāha illā´llāh” is most often used. KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Duchovní cesty islámu. 5th ed. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2011. ISBN 978-80-7021-925-6. p. 92.
[22] Field notes, 2 December 2016, Osmanische Herberge.
[23] KŘÍŽEK, Daniel. Taríqa naqšbandíja haqqáníja: islámská mystická duchovní nauka v teorii a praxi. 1st ed. Plzeň: Západočeská univerzita, Fakulta filozofická in cooperation with Institut paměti společnosti a krajiny, 2014. ISBN 978-80-261-0271-7. pp. 120–128.
[24] KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2nd ed. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0. pp. 40–43.
[25] NETTON, Ian Richard. Sufi Ritual: The Parallel Universe. Richmond: Curzon Press, 2000. ISBN 0700712542. pp. 157–159.
[26] For example, Quran 48:10: “Those who pledge allegiance to you are indeed pledging allegiance to God. God’s hand is over their hands. So whoever breaks his pledge, he breaks it only to his own harm. But whoever fulfils what he has pledged to God—He will grant him a great reward.” Translation from the Czech edition: Vznešený Korán, translated by Ivan Hrbek and Josef Procházka. 1st ed. Praha: AMS in cooperation with TWRA, 2007. ISBN 978-80-902419-4-7. p. 578.
[27] KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2nd ed. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0. pp. 38–41.
[28] A staff is also used during rituals with women to avoid direct hand contact. However, some women do kiss the sheikh’s hand.
[29] VIDICH, A.W. 2000. “A Living Sufi Saint: Shaykh Muhammad Nazi Adil al-Haqqani and the Naqshbandiyya Method of Self-Transformation.” PhD dissertation, Berne University, unpublished. Selected parts cited in: KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2nd ed. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0. p. 574.
[30] Translated by the author from the English original “a family bond”.
[31] NETTON, Ian Richard also observed this paradox: while the individual is being incorporated into a community, he is also being separated from his previous identity. See: Sufi Ritual: The Parallel Universe. Richmond: Curzon Press, 2000. ISBN 0700712542. p. 181.
[32] There are several typologies of dhikr. For example, Schimmel distinguishes between dhikr of the tongue and dhikr of the heart. SCHIMMEL, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975. ISBN 0-8078-1223-4. Also available at: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/natl-ebooks/reader.action?docID=3039486. p. 171.
[33] KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2nd ed. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0. p. 46.
[34] KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Súfismus, dějiny islámské mystiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2008. ISBN 978-80-7021-817-4. pp. 232–233.
[35] VAN GENNEP, Arnold. Přechodové rituály: systematické studium rituálů. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997. ISBN 80-7106-178-6. p. 27.
[36] ATAY, Tayfun. Naqshbandi Sufis in a Western Setting. London, 1994. Doctoral thesis. University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies. Supervisors: Richard TAPPER and Nancy Lindisfarne. Also available at: http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261459/. pp. 166–174.
[37] Dinner and accommodation at Osmanische Herberge are provided free of charge. After the dhikr, a voluntary donation (sadaqa) is collected, with the expectation that each participant contributes according to their means and the services used. For larger dhikrs, a recommended contribution (currently €7) helps cover the cost of dinner, heating, and electricity.
[38] Here, the term refers to Sunni Muslims who do not practise or recognise the concepts of Sufism.
[39] According to the author, this is especially apparent in the case of hadra.
[40] KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Duchovní cesty islámu. 5th ed. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2011. ISBN 978-80-7021-925-6. p. 127.
[41] For example, Sheikh Hassan said in an interview on 4 December 2016 at the Osmanische Herberge: “It is important to make the ritual because marriage regulates the families, regulates the social relations, regulates living together with people.”
[42] Translated from the original English interview with informant A: “It completes you, is to complete your spiritual path”.
References
ATAY, Tayfun. Naqshbandi Sufis in a Western Setting. Londýn: 1994. Disertační práce. University of London. School of Oriental and African Studies. Supervisors Richard Tapper and Nancy Lindisfarne.
DRAPER, Mustafa, NIELSEN, Jorgen S., YEMELIANOVA, Galina. Transnational Sufism: the Haqqaniyya. In: MALIK, Jamal, HINELLS, John, eds. Sufism in the West. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006. s. 103–114. ISBN 0-415-27407-9.
KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2.vyd. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2004. ISBN 1-930409-23-0.
KŘÍŽEK, Daniel. Taríqa naqšbandíja haqqáníja: islámská mystická duchovní nauka v teorii a praxi. Vyd. 1. V Plzni: Západočeská univerzita, Fakulta filozofická ve spolupráci s Institutem paměti společnosti a krajiny, 2014. ISBN 978-80-261-0271-7.
KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Duchovní cesty islámu. 5. vyd. Praha: Nakladatelství Vyšehrad, spol. s.r.o., 2011. ISBN 978-80-7021-925-6.
KROPÁČEK, Luboš. Súfismus, dějiny islámské mystiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2008. ISBN 978- 80-7021-817-4.
NETTON, Ian Richard. Sufí Ritual: The Parallel Universe. Richmond: Curzon Press, 2000. ISBN 0-7007-1254-2.
OSMANISCHE HERBERGE. Sheikh Hassan – der Gründer und Imam der Herberge. Osmanische Herberge [online]. [cit. 11. 3. 2017]. Dostupné z: http://www.osmanische- herberge.de/de/sheikh_hassan.php.
OSMANISCHE HERBERGE. Was ist eine Sufi Dergah? Osmanische Herberge [online]. [cit. 11. 3. 2017]. Dostupné z: http://www.osmanische-herberge.de/de/sufi_dergah.php.
SCHIMMEL, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975. ISBN 0-8078-1223-4.
STJERNHOLM, Simon. A translocal Sufi movement. Developments among Naqshbandi- Haqqani in London. In: RAUDVERE, Catharina, STENBERG, Leif, eds. Sufism Today. Heritage and Tradition in the Global Community. London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2009. ISBN 978-1-84511-762-7. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5040/9780755625109.0011
SUFI PATH OF LOVE. Sheikh Nazim Al-Haqqani. Sufi Path of Love: Platform Naqshbandi Haqqani Rabbani Holland [online]. [cit. 11. 3. 2017]. Dostupné z: https://sufipathoflove.com/sheikh-nazim/.
VAN GENNEP, Arnold. Přechodové rituály: systematické studium rituálů. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997. ISBN 80-7106-178-6.
VIDICH, Andrew. A Living Sufi Saint: Shaykh Muhammad Nazi Adil al-Haqqani and the Naqshbandiyya Method of Self-Transformation. Disertační práce, Berne University, 652 strany, samostatně nepublikováno. Vybrané části in: KABBANI, Muhammad Hisham. Classical Islam and the Naqshbandi Sufi Tradition. 2. vyd. Fenton: Islamic Supreme Coucil of America, 2004. s. 551-654. ISBN 1-930409-23-0.
Vznešený Korán: komentářem a rejstříkem opatřený překlad významu do jazyka českého. Překlad Ivan Hrbek a Josef Procházka. Vyd. 1. V Praze: AMS ve spolupráci s TWRA, 2007. ISBN 978-80-902419-4-7.
WEISMANN, Itzchak. The Naqshbandiyya. Orthodoxy and activism in a worldwide Sufi tradition. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007. Routledge Sufi Series. ISBN 0-203-94743-6.