The Social Importance of Traditions in Kyrgyzstan in Comparison with the Turkish Kyrgyz in Ulupamir

Introduction

Kyrgyz traditions are closely intertwined with the rhythms of a semi-nomadic way of life. Kyrgyzstan is a mountainous country, with much of its territory situated at altitudes exceeding 1,000 metres above sea level. The revolution of 1917 and the ensuing collectivisation brought about profound changes, to which the nomadic population was forced to adapt. During this period, nomads were subject to forced settlement. One particular group, later led by Rahman Kul Khan,[1] refused to live under Soviet rule and fled to China, eventually settling in Afghanistan. There, in the Pamir region, they lived peacefully, largely untouched by the interests of either China or the Soviet Union, until the Marxist coup in Afghanistan in 1978 loomed. Wishing to avoid being encircled by communism, the Kyrgyz community moved once again — this time to Pakistan. Conditions there proved difficult, prompting the search for a more hospitable homeland. In 1982, they found such a place in a small village near Erçiş in the eastern part of the Republic of Turkey.

The Kyrgyz Republic remained under Soviet dominion for many decades, and this experience significantly influenced local life and tradition. Following the dissolution of the USSR,[2] the inhabitants of Kyrgyzstan had to contend with the transition to a market economy. This period of transformation was accompanied by a loosening of former restrictions and a resurgence of interest in religion, history, and democratic ideals. Predictably, it also led to a revival of previously suppressed traditions, including polygamy and bride abduction.[3]

The aim of this contribution is to compare the influence of Kyrgyz traditions on the everyday lives of Kyrgyz people in Kyrgyzstan and in the village of Ulupamir in the mountainous region of Anatolia, Turkey — a community formed by those who fled the threat of communism. To address this objective, several sub-questions are examined, including: the influence of Islam on daily life in southern Kyrgyzstan and in Ulupamir; the similarities and differences in Kyrgyz cuisine beyond Kyrgyz borders; the role of art and craftsmanship in both locations; and the continued significance of pastoral traditions.

This article draws upon findings from medium-term fieldwork conducted in both Kyrgyzstan and Turkey. Emphasis is placed on qualitative methods, particularly in-depth interviews with respondents of varying ages. These qualitative insights are supplemented with secondary data drawn from academic literature, internet sources, and statistical reports.

Fieldwork was conducted through participant observation and semi-structured interviews in English, Russian, and Turkish. In Kyrgyzstan, research took place during July and August 2012, primarily in the city of Osh with the Talipov family, as well as in the capital city, Bishkek. Dastan Talipov, the father, studied economics but works in a modest clothing shop in Kazakhstan. Meerim, the mother, is a mathematics teacher at a local primary school. Their son, Ulukmyrza, studies at a university in Bursa, Turkey, while the younger son attends school in Osh. The family spoke Russian fluently, but used Kyrgyz among themselves. During interviews, some initial reserve and shyness were evident. They described themselves as a hard-working family that had to earn everything through effort. They perceived Europeans as people with easy access to wealth and short working hours. Contact with the family was limited, as the parents were reluctant to engage with female researchers. Nevertheless, they were hospitable and tried to assist us. Through the snowball method,[4] we were introduced to their friends, including Asan Zhunusbekov and Liliya Shopokova, as well as other locals who generously shared aspects of Kyrgyz culture and tradition with us.

Fieldwork in Turkey was carried out in July and August 2013. Prior to visiting Ulupamir, I had established contact with Hazmu Kutlu, a descendant of the aforementioned Rahman Kul Khan. This prior contact proved essential, given the village’s relative isolation and limited interaction with the outside world. The few online sources about the village are typically managed by Kyrgyz living in major Turkish cities, such as Istanbul. Interviews in Ulupamir were conducted in Turkish, as this is the main language of the village, alongside Kyrgyz and — in some cases — Persian. Hamza Kutlu spends summers in Ulupamir helping his family with agricultural work, while during the winter he is employed by a printing company in Istanbul. In addition to Hamza, I interacted with his immediate and extended family and acquaintances. His father is a member of the aksakal[5], or council of elders, which resolves disputes at the local community level. We were also welcomed by the mayor’s family, who facilitated contacts with Kyrgyz and Turkish teachers at the local school. During our stay, we engaged with people across all age groups, who introduced us to the Kyrgyz cultural heritage as preserved within a Turkish setting.

The Kyrgyz Community in Turkey

In Turkey, census respondents are not required to declare their ethnicity, language, or religion, which makes it difficult to determine the exact number of minority groups. As of July 2013, the total population of the Republic of Turkey stood at 80,694,485. According to official data from 2008, ethnic minorities made up an estimated 18–30% of the total population.[6]

Kyrgyz Turks reside predominantly in major urban centres such as Istanbul, Ankara, Malatya, and Eskişehir. The only fully Kyrgyz village in Turkey is Ulupamir, located in the eastern province of Van, near Erciş.[7] The natural conditions in Anatolia shape local agriculture and livestock breeding, which differ significantly from those practised in Kyrgyzstan; for example, the climate and terrain are unsuitable for raising yaks, or for large-scale production of milk and honey. Most inhabitants rely on agriculture for their livelihood. Commonly raised animals include horses and sheep.

According to the Turkish Statistical Institute, in 2012 the population of Ulupamir numbered 1,720 individuals living in 415 households.[8]

Table 1. Population of the village of Ulupamir between 2007 and 2012

The village exists largely isolated from the broader world, maintaining minimal contact primarily with neighbouring Kurdish communities. Ulupamir was profoundly affected by the armed conflict in eastern and south‑eastern Turkey between the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the early 1990s. As a result of PKK activity, the state instituted a system of koruculuk—village guards—in Ulupamir. This mounted guard programme commenced in 1985. Presently, there are a total of 186 korucu (guards) in the village, with six to eight on duty at any given time. In the figure of the korucular one can discern a continuation of the spirit of the Kyrgyz “warrior”.[9]

Turkey has, from the outset, supported the migration of the Kyrgyz. The journey of the Kyrgyz into Turkey was far from straightforward: they traversed several countries before settling in Anatolia. In the 1920s, the Kyrgyz moved into China, then departed China in the 1930s to relocate to Afghanistan. In 1978 they migrated to Pakistan, and in 1982 they finally resettled in Turkey.[10]

The Kyrgyz refer to Turks as their elder brothers, while for Turkish Kyrgyz, Kyrgyzstan remains their native land. They have resisted assimilation, preserving their customs and traditions, which they strive to safeguard for future generations.

Influence of Islam on the Kyrgyz Way of Life

Both Turkey and Kyrgyzstan are secular states, with Islam being the predominant religion. The Ferghana Valley[11] in southern Kyrgyzstan is considered the most traditional and religious region of Central Asia. Nonetheless, nomadic tradition retains a more significant role in the lives of the Kyrgyz than Islam itself.

Every Muslim is expected to observe the Five Pillars of Islam, which constitute the foundational practices of the faith. The First Pillar—the Shahāda—requires the recitation, at least once in one’s lifetime and from the depths of one’s heart: “La ilāha illā Llāh, Muḥammadun rasūlu Llāh.”[12][13] Among the Kyrgyz in Kyrgyzstan, this declaration tends to reflect cultural tradition and serves to uphold moral values, rather than being heartfelt conviction. The case of the Van Kyrgyz is different—they did not endure Soviet rule in Kyrgyzstan or Afghanistan. Ulupamir lies in eastern Turkey, a region regarded as more traditionally religious than the western part of the country, which is reflected in its stronger religious conviction. In Ulupamir, all inhabitants identify as Muslim, a fact reinforced by the village’s proximity to Kurdish and Turkish settlements. It is important to note, however, that nomadic tradition continues to play a more prominent role than Islam.

The Second Pillar, Salāt, mandates five daily prayers. It is primarily observed by the elderly, as evidenced by mosque attendance. Younger individuals attend the mosque mostly on significant occasions and for the Friday Jumu‘ah prayer[14]. Countless youth do not pray five times daily due to time constraints compared with older men. Ulupamir locals assert that they pray five times daily as proper Muslims, although exceptions exist—Hamza Kutlu, for instance, does not always observe Salāt due to busy work commitments.

The Third Pillar, the obligatory almsgiving known as Zakāt, is the only mandatory tax stipulated by the Qur’an.[15] In Kyrgyzstan, the Kalipov family adheres to the payment of Zakāt, which represents a negligible amount for them. They are, however, aware that not every Muslim can afford this duty. They maintain that fulfilling this pillar protects one from wrongdoing. According to Hamza Kutlu of Ulupamir, poverty pervades the village, and many cannot afford the Zakāt. He considers himself poor, earning approximately US $200 per month working in a printing firm.

The Fourth Pillar is fasting, or Sawm. Ramadan[16], the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar, requires abstention from food, drink, smoking, and sexual relations from dawn to sunset.[17] In more traditional regions, the fast is diligently observed, in contrast to Bishkek and the northern regions (Chüy and Talas oblasts), where compliance is more relaxed, with the reasoning that “Allah does not see beneath the lid”. Ulukmyrza Talipov and his family fast without seeing it as a hardship, but rather as spiritually beneficial. Ulupamir’s Kyrgyz similarly honour Ramadan. The consensus among villagers is that fasting is arduous but spiritually invaluable — it fosters inner tranquillity and communal well‑being, and some also attribute health‑promoting effects to it.

The Fifth Pillar, Hajj—the pilgrimage—should be undertaken at least once by every healthy Muslim. To date, none of the respondents have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, as it is a relatively costly endeavour. Ulupamir residents estimate the journey at approximately US $8,000 per person, though they acknowledge its irreplaceable spiritual merit. In recent years, around 20–25 Kyrgyz from Ulupamir have completed the Hajj. Hamza Kutlu awaits his turn and prays for the opportunity.

One of the foremost centres of faith is the mosque, which serves both communal and religious functions. Islam does not mandate prayer within the mosque; believers may pray anywhere facing Mecca. Nevertheless, Friday is considered the most important day because of the communal prayer in the mosque. While ordinary prayers do not necessitate mosque attendance for men, participation in the Friday Jumu‘ah is strongly encouraged.[18] During the earthquake in 2011, the mosque in Ulupamir – where women also prayed – was destroyed. Construction of a new mosque is currently underway and expected to be completed by the end of 2014.

The most significant festivals include Orozo Ait[19] and Kurman Ait[20]. Orozo Ait marks the end of Ramadan. Kurman Ait honours Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his son and now involves the ritual sacrifice of a sheep or cattle.[21] A third of the meat is consumed by the family, and the remainder is distributed to the poor. Families gather, women prepare food, sing, and celebrate. In Ulupamir, men attend morning prayers at the mosque, after which preparations for the sacrifice culminate. The animal is held by several strong men, its eyes covered, while a prayer is recited. Then it is slaughtered. Its horns, hooves, and other impure parts are deposited into a pit designated for haram.[22] During Kurban Bayramı, approximately 100–140 sheep are sacrificed in Ulupamir. A portion of the meat is shared with impoverished neighbours so that joy may be communal.

One of the most noticeable distinctions between the studied regions concerns alcohol consumption. Kyrgyz society has begun to face serious problems due to alcohol and drug use, driven by severe economic hardship and inexpensive vodka sourced from Russia. It is not unusual to see Kyrgyz drinking from early in the morning. Ulukmyrza and his family abstain, finding alcohol deeply objectionable. He has even expressed support for a 50% price increase to deter widespread purchase. In Turkey, the situation is dramatically different. The Turkish government dissuades public alcohol consumption. In the eastern provinces, alcohol is not readily available in supermarkets, though bars and specialised outlets do exist. Prices are significantly higher. Hamza Kutlu does not consume alcohol in Turkey, as it is prohibited by his religion. He has attributed widespread alcohol use to the influence of communism in the 1980s and 1990s, and the pressure from Soviet—and subsequently Russian—populations.

Similarities and Differences in Family Rituals

Kyrgyz society places great emphasis on the importance of family and kinship ties, which confer significant social status upon the individual. Both customary and clan law are of great relevance to Kyrgyz identity. Belonging to a particular clan is of considerable importance to every Kyrgyz, as members of the same clan are expected to support one another. Kyrgyz people take pride in their history and possess a relatively strong awareness of their ancestral lineage. According to the tradition of jety ata, each family member should be able to name seven male ancestors from previous generations. The concept of jety ata is familiar to all the Kyrgyz individuals I encountered. Nearly every respondent claimed to know all seven forebears, although not all could list them. A young Kyrgyz man, Ulukmyrza, recalled his father Tynych, great-grandfather Talip, and great-great-grandfather Toigonbai, but could not remember the rest. His friend Asan also struggled to enumerate them. Hamza Kutlu, by contrast, considered it entirely natural to know all seven ancestors and readily recalled them, providing part of his genealogy: Rahmankul, Abdülvahit, Ovalbek, Hudayar, Kasımbek, Atabek, and Sultankul.

Kinship ties remain very strong. Whenever family was mentioned, all respondents identified with their lineage and origin, particularly Hamza Kutlu, who takes pride in his descent from Rahman Kul Khan. Among Turkish Kyrgyz, close familial bonds are particularly evident during major family gatherings and religious holidays. In Kyrgyzstan, however, these bonds have been weakening in recent years due to urbanisation and both internal and external migration. The traditional patriarchal family is gradually being replaced by a nuclear family structure.[23]

The most important family ritual among Kyrgyz communities in both Kyrgyzstan and Ulupamir is the wedding. Today, a distinction is made between traditional and modern weddings. Modern weddings are more commonly preferred by urban populations and members of the Russian ethnic minority in Kyrgyzstan. The traditional wedding, or toj, is rooted in Kyrgyz customs that align with the principles of family law. Since their arrival in Turkey, Kyrgyz people have struggled with the issue of endogamous marriage. Older generations continue to prefer marriage within their own clan or with fellow migrants from Kyrgyzstan. Nowadays, Kyrgyz individuals marry Turks or Kurds, maintaining that true love should not be obstructed. This may explain why Kyrgyz songs are played at weddings while guests dance to Turkish music. Among the Kyrgyz of Van, the custom of achuu bazar—in which the bride’s family receives a bottle of vodka to ‘drown their sorrow’ over her departure—is not typically observed. Instead, Turkish Kyrgyz place greater emphasis on tea drinking and the performance of namaz prayers during the three-day celebrations.

Bride abductions remain a phenomenon in Kyrgyzstan. Known in Kyrgyz as ala-kachuu—literally „grab and run“—such acts have been illegal since 1994, yet they remain a feature of social life. A typical scenario involves a young woman being seized from the street, forced into a car, and taken to the groom’s home, where older women attempt to persuade her to accept the marriage. The symbolic act of placing a white scarf on the bride’s head signifies her consent. Subsequently, the groom’s relatives visit the bride’s family to offer a sheep and sweets, and must formally declare: “We are guilty.” The bride’s parents are expected to consent to the marriage, rarely refusing, as their daughter’s honour—and by extension, the family’s—would be tarnished. Such abductions occur not only in rural areas but also in the relatively liberal capital, Bishkek. There are also staged abductions, typically when the groom’s family cannot afford the kalym[24], or when abduction serves to reduce the bride price. Kyrgyz society generally accepts newlyweds, so the couple need not flee the village; in fact, they often continue living with the groom’s family.[25]

In Ulupamir, bride abductions are rare. Hamza Kutlu recalls only three or four instances, all involving men whose marriage proposals had been refused. Following the nikah ceremony, the newlyweds had to flee the village. Hamza Kutlu never considered abducting a bride himself, citing financial constraints and the belief that no one would attend the wedding of a kidnapped bride. He personally would not attend such a ceremony. He also found it peculiar that the Czech Republic has no tradition of bride abduction.

Polygamy (specifically polygyny) is a phenomenon observed in Kyrgyzstan and is widely perceived as a normal part of life, despite the legal framework permitting marriage to only one woman. Although technically illegal, polygamy is not socially condemned; indeed, for some, it is a mark of prestige, signalling the economic means to support multiple wives. Nonetheless, the monogamous family remains the most common arrangement in Kyrgyzstan.[26]

According to the father in the Talipov family, polygynous marriages were once common, but under current conditions, most men cannot afford more than one or two wives. He himself would not wish to have multiple wives, as he is content with his sole spouse. Polygamy is not typical in present-day Ulupamir. According to Hamza Kutlu’s father, in Afghanistan, some 15–20 aksakal (village elders) had more than one wife. Hamza Kutlu’s grandfather was married to three women, and Hamza’s own father was the son of the third wife.

Distinctions in Kyrgyz Cuisine

The traditional nomadic way of life has influenced modern Kyrgyz cuisine. Nomads needed to preserve and transport food with ease. Salted and dried meats were transported on horseback and camelback. Dairy products were readily available from livestock. Food was often prepared in a single large pot over an open fire.[27] Contemporary Kyrgyz cuisine has been enriched by Russian, Chinese, Uzbek, Tajik, Uyghur, and Turkish influences, introducing dishes such as borscht and pide.

The most common accompaniment to main dishes is bread, which is consumed with nearly everything—potatoes, meat, rice—but also enjoyed on its own with cream and kumys. Bread is baked either on a griddle or in an oven. Many varieties exist, but the most ubiquitous is nan, a round, flat, unleavened loaf.[28]

Animal husbandry—particularly sheep, goats, and horses—is the principal source of livelihood. Not only the meat but also the hide, wool, and bones of animals are used. Dairy products and milk, rather than meat, form the dietary cornerstone.[29] Among the Kyrgyz of Ulupamir, horse meat is considered one of the finest.

Among the most iconic Kyrgyz dishes are beshbarmak (a meat-and-noodle dish), plov (a mixture of rice, carrots, and meat), and manty (steamed dumplings filled with minced meat). In Kyrgyzstan, manty are often fist-sized, whereas in Turkey they are typically small and spherical.

The national Kyrgyz beverage is kumys, fermented mare’s milk. All Kyrgyz people have a strong cultural awareness of kumys and the beliefs associated with it. It is said that mares seek out the finest grasses and herbs, which grow only under moonlight. The resulting milk tastes like honey, and kumys made from it is believed to have healing properties.

Kumys is highly nutritious, forming the dietary staple of herders alongside bread. It is said that two bowls (approximately 0.5 litres) of kumys and bread with butter suffice for a hearty lunch. During summer migrations to alpine pastures, herders prepare kumys in advance; however, it may occasionally explode in plastic containers due to ongoing fermentation. In the mountainous regions of Kyrgyzstan, yurts advertising kumys sales can be seen, with drivers and travellers eagerly purchasing the drink.

Although there is strong cultural awareness of kumys in Ulupamir, it is not produced locally. Turkish Kyrgyz are always eager to sample it, yet they tend to prefer ayran, which they can easily prepare at home. Ayran is a mixture of yoghurt, water, and salt, and can now be found virtually everywhere, including fast food outlets, restaurants, and supermarkets. Tea is also a highly popular beverage, particularly during family and social visits. In Ulupamir, guests may be served milk tea, commonly consumed in southern Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyz in Kyrgyzstan tend to prefer green tea, as do the Kyrgyz of Van. Coffee is typical for the broader Turkish population, but this tradition does not extend to the Turkish Kyrgyz.

Sheep are of great importance to the Kyrgyz of Ulupamir. Their primary uses include yoghurt production, personal consumption, and sale. Proceeds from sales are used for other needs. Mutton is particularly favoured, especially in dishes such as plov. Most valued is the domestic consumption of the entire animal. Upon slaughter, the whole sheep is processed, including its skin and wool. The hide is fashioned into a pouch or container known as a cenes, which maintains a stable temperature and is thus commonly used in winter to preserve liquids. Yoghurt can also be stored in such a pouch. Goat hide can also be used to make cenes.[30] The cleaned stomach and internal organs of a young sheep are chopped and mixed with clotted cream (kaymak), producing a dish known as miske, which may be stored in a cenes. This is often eaten with dried yoghurt balls known as kurut, which are notable for their strong and pervasive aroma.[31]

Kyrgyz people are known for their hospitality. When invited to dinner by a Kyrgyz family, it is customary to bring a small gift, such as flowers or fruit. During the meal, food should be handled only with the right hand. At the end of the meal, Kyrgyz customarily raise their hands to their faces and then draw them downward, as if washing their face, while simultaneously reciting the word amin, the Islamic equivalent of amen.

In northern Kyrgyzstan, dining at a table is becoming increasingly common, whereas in the south, eating while seated on the ground remains the norm. In Ulupamir, we took our evening meal seated on the floor, where a cloth was laid out and covered with nuts, sweets, and fruit. We dined only with the grandparents and parents, while the children ate in a separate room. Reflecting on their memories of Afghanistan and Pakistan, the grandparents expressed their appreciation for the abundance of food available in Turkey. The Kyrgyz in Ulupamir produce their own foodstuffs, such as bread, cheese, and ayran, and strive to remain as self-sufficient as possible.

The Influence of Pastoral Traditions

Nomadic life was closely tied to livestock. A deep bond forms between herders and animals, and for Kyrgyz communities in both Turkey and Kyrgyzstan, animals are of vital significance. Herders love and care for their animals, which in turn provide their livelihood. Conversely, the animals are also dependent upon the herders, who protect them from harm.

Today, the most important animals in Ulupamir are horses and sheep. Upon their arrival in Turkey, the Kyrgyz were gifted a number of yaks by a British author, although the aksakals could not recall his full name. According to a local herder who inherited the role from his father (who had performed it for 37 years), the yaks served only for fodder and offered little benefit to the villagers. He initially praised the Pamiri yaks, describing them as wild and difficult to tame, yet in Ulupamir, he considered yaks unremarkable animals, as they provided nothing of practical value. Only ten yaks lived in the village, and because they suffered in local conditions, they were donated to a zoo in Turkey. Hamza Kutlu recounted riding a yak as a child but once fell and broke his arm. He also recalled riding sheep and donkeys.

Almost all Kyrgyz are skilled horse riders. Horses are used not only for agricultural work but also play a key role in the national sport of kökbörü, a game reserved for the strongest and most skilled riders. The aim is for a rider or team to carry a goat carcass across the finish line, known as the pattu. Played on a large open field with up to 50 participants—though often over 100—the game begins with the players reciting the prayer “Omiin” (Amin!). Kökbörü is popular not only among players but also among spectators, who watch with great enthusiasm.[32] In Ulupamir, the crowd cheers upon scoring with cries of: “Chap, chap, azamat, chynygy jigit eken, kem bolboo! Ride as fast as you can, well done! A true young man must press on and keep up with the others.” Traditionally, the game could last for several days, though tournaments usually last 4 to 5 hours. Kökbörü is played on festive occasions, and both national championships and a professional league exist. Kyrgyzstan regularly hosts the world championship. Other national teams include Russia, India, Germany, Japan, and Turkey.[33] In Turkey, the national buzkashi team is composed of Kyrgyz players, with Alpastan Kutlu serving as captain. Other strong teams include those from Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan. In August 2013, the mayor of Ulupamir travelled with the riders to the kökbörü championship in Kazakhstan. According to Hamza Kutlu, local competitions are also held in Kyrgyzstan, with women participating as well. Hamza played buzkashi in his youth, but now, as he jokingly admits, he is lazy and prefers to observe and encourage the younger generation.

For the Kyrgyz, sheep herding is a central part of life. Since the departure of the Kyrgyz from Van, their livelihood has revolved around these animals. Haji Rahman Kul owned many sheep but always remembered the poor, to whom he would donate sheep, without which they would not have survived.

Sheep also play an important role in the Muslim festival of Kurban Bayramı, during which they are sacrificed. In Pamir, some 150–160 sheep would be slaughtered each winter. In Ulupamir today, between 40 and 100 sheep are sacrificed during the holiday, typically by an elder nicknamed the “sheep-slayer of Ulupamir.” Beyond Kurban Bayramı, a sheep is also sacrificed to mark the birth of a child. When a male child is born, a second sheep is slaughtered in his honour on the fortieth day. Sheep bones are used in a popular game known as chuko.

In Ulupamir lives an elderly man, aged 71, who cares for livestock in exchange for a portion of the proceeds. He prepares feed, tends the animals, and ensures their safety. He inherited the role from his father, who had cared for sheep in Afghanistan. Despite his age, he appeared much younger, attributing his vitality to the cold climate of the Pamirs. Now in Turkey, he expresses contentment—especially in contrast to his memories of life in Pakistan. The only hardship he faces is financial: he wishes to visit his father, mother, and other relatives in Afghanistan. His two greatest hopes are to pray for his parents’ health and to return to the Pamirs.

The Influence of Art and Craftsmanship

In the nomadic way of life, art has played a significant role—not only for its practical utility but also for its decorative purpose. Artistic expression is transmitted not only through material objects but also as part of various traditions, such as weddings. To this day, artistic knowledge is passed down from generation to generation through the making of carpets, playing of musical instruments, storytelling of legends, and more.

Along the mountain roads of Kyrgyzstan, one often sees yurts set up by herders offering local products such as kumys and kurut. For the Kyrgyz people, the yurt is far more than a convenient dwelling. It remains an integral feature of nomadic life and pastoral culture across Central Asia, representing the ideal portable home—easily assembled, dismantled, and transported. In urban areas, yurts are seldom owned due to difficulties with placement and relatively high costs; instead, they are rented for special occasions such as weddings or birthdays.

Turkish Kyrgyz refer to the yurt as the „white house.“ Elder Kyrgyz from Van recall erecting yurts on the plains of Little Pamir, gazing upon the encircling mountains, playing the komuz, and singing as their herds grazed nearby. Today, only two yurts remain in Ulupamir, serving the entire village during its most important celebrations and communal events.

Inside the yurt are the renowned, richly decorated carpets made from felt. The best-known carpet is the shirdak, which typically features the kochbar motif—symbolising ram’s horns. In Kyrgyzstan, many women consider carpet weaving a complex process. The tradition was inherited by girls from the Van region. With support from the Turkish government, a carpet-weaving centre was established in Ulupamir, where a different style of carpet—the hereke—is now produced. Among the most famous carpets from Ulupamir is the Çeşmibolbol, a highly desired item in local households. These carpets are inspired by nature and animal forms. On average, one carpet takes five months to complete. According to the women of Van, every girl should learn the craft. Most workers are young women who can master the entire process in two to three weeks. One eighteen-year-old girl described the weaving as very easy, saying she learned it within two weeks. During the process, they sing Kyrgyz songs. When a carpet is completed, the women feel both sadness and joy: sadness at parting with it, joy that it will bring beauty and comfort to another household.

This work allows women to remain in the village, close to their husbands and children, and to socialise with their friends—which they consider preferable to staying alone at home with the children. Kyrgyz women are grateful for this employment, as poverty remains one of Ulupamir’s most pressing problems. Aise has worked at the centre for four years and loves her job, though she also expressed concern about its future, as long-term economic hardship threatens its closure. A portion of the village’s income comes from weaving looms provided by the Turkish bank Sumerbank specifically for carpet production. Despite harsh winter cold, summer heat, and poor workshop conditions, the young women have succeeded in producing high-quality carpets that sell well in the market.

The Kyrgyz of Ulupamir continue the traditions of the Pamiri Kyrgyz, having learned from them how to make shoes. Among the most skilled and knowledgeable Kyrgyz shoemakers are Usta Asan and Vahap, whose handcrafted shoes are superior in quality and lower in price than factory-made footwear—and therefore in high demand. Nearly every family in the village engages in some form of craft, carefully transmitted from one generation to the next. Artisans and craftsmen produce wooden and metal items such as spoons, plates, and spades. Women create woven mats and rugs, riding satchels, handbags, equestrian garments, and more. In Istanbul, 10–15 Kyrgyz families work in leather processing and artisanal leather goods, while in Malatya, approximately ten Kyrgyz families are engaged in the leather industry.[35]

Ulupamir is also home to celebrated artists. Abdumalik Kutlu and Muhammed Akbar Kutlu, sons of Haji Rahman Qul Khan, are painters and sculptors whose works have been exhibited in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Germany, Belgium, and other countries. They currently work at the Turkish Handicraft Research and Application Centre at Yuzuncu Yil University.[36]

In Ulupamir, people sew and wear traditional garments, with special attention paid to appropriate dress—particularly among women. Eastern Turkey, especially around Lake Van, is considered a conservative region, so women tend to wear clothing that covers the shoulders, knees, and hair. Women in Ulupamir wear traditional dresses complemented by headscarves that fully cover their hair. Local women describe their husbands as Kyrgyz men dressed in Turkish clothes but always wearing a kalpak. The social environment in eastern Turkey helps preserve Islamic traditions. For women, the colour white symbolises marital status. It is considered inappropriate for Muslim girls to wear short skirts or revealing clothing. Hamza Kutlu himself noted that women in Ulupamir are dressed modestly. For most men in the village, the kalpak is a distinctive feature, indispensable even to Hamza Kutlu, who is reluctant to remove it.

People in Kyrgyzstan wear a variety of clothing styles. In rural areas, women tend to wear more traditional outfits—long skirts, headscarves, etc.—whereas in urban areas, modern clothing is more prevalent. Men tend to prefer trousers over jeans. In everyday attire, Kyrgyz people are generally more formal than their European counterparts. On the other hand, one may also see men wearing tracksuits at football matches or concerts in music halls. In cities, women may wear sheer blouses and high heels even during the day. Unlike in many Western countries, it is not common in Kyrgyzstan to change into fresh festive attire daily. It is not unusual to see classmates or colleagues wearing the same outfit throughout the week. This does not indicate a lack of clothing, but rather reflects cultural norms.

Jewellery has traditionally played a significant role in the lives of women and girls in every culture. For example, during engagement ceremonies, it is customary for the groom’s mother to present earrings to the bride. From an early age, girls wear earrings, brooches, bracelets, and necklaces in intricate designs, colours, and shapes—often embellished with gold embroidery and silk. Kyrgyz jewellery is characterised by necklaces made from coral, precious stones, and turquoise, with colour used to enhance the appearance of vitality. Hoop earrings are often adorned with small pendants and chains in elaborate patterns. Entire nets made from beads were commonly attached to coin pendants. Motifs inspired by nature continue to influence modern jewellers, who incorporate such designs into jewellery, clothing, and other forms of art.

During artisanal production, Kyrgyz craftspeople are often accompanied by the sounds of the komuz[37] and the singing of Kyrgyz folk songs. The komuz is a three-stringed, pear-shaped instrument whose neck and head are carved from a single piece of wood, typically apricot, juniper, or occasionally walnut. Prior to the twentieth century, its strings were made from sheep gut; today, plastic is more commonly used. The overall size of the komuz varies according to local tradition and the skill of the artisan.[38]

Several legends explain the origin of the komuz. One tells of the Kyrgyz hunter Kambarkan, who understood the languages of many birds and wild animals, and could recognise each by its voice. One day, however, he heard a beautiful sound he could not identify. Climbing a tree to investigate, he saw two branches connected by a squirrel’s intestine, and realised the sound came from this “chain.” He took the branch and the string, fashioned them into an instrument, and became the father of melody. Another tale recounts the story of a komuz player who befriended a nightingale so enraptured by the music that it asked to be taught how to sing like the komuz.

In Bishkek, it is not uncommon to see young children playing this instrument. Ulukmyrza plays a komuz gifted to him by his father, performing at celebrations and important events. In Turkey, I met a man regarded as the finest musician in the village; he began learning the komuz at the age of twenty and has been playing for over thirty years. His instrument was a gift from relatives in Kyrgyzstan.

Many events are preserved in the form of myths and legends, as Kyrgyz literature was not written down until the twentieth century. Oral traditions have preserved legends, myths, stories, and epics about mythical warriors such as Manas, Jayin-Bayis, Kurmanbek, and Er Tabidli.[39]

The most renowned of these is the epic of Manas. Many historical events described in the epic actually occurred, though the core narrative remains a folk legend. The epic tells of the mighty warrior Manas, who unified all Kyrgyz people.[40] The Manas epic is considered the longest epic poem in the world—twice the length of the Indian Mahabharata. It encompasses a wide range of topics, including history, religion, philosophy, psychology, and depictions of everyday life.

In Ulupamir, Kyrgyz people continue to transmit oral traditions, including epics, poems, stories, folk songs, proverbs, nicknames, and riddles, from generation to generation. Common themes include love, marriage, departure from the homeland, and migration from the Pamirs. Since 1997, some ethnographic and linguistic works have begun to be published, though much remains undocumented. While Manas remains the most widely known epic, others such as Samatei, Maktym, and Chong teke are still held in esteem.

An elderly Kyrgyz woman shared a story once told to her by her grandmother:

“At dusk, the elder women sat conversing with the young girls of the village when they suddenly heard the barking of dogs. They went outside and saw fifteen terrifying monsters. They fled inside and hid. Soon, the creatures approached, and one of them entered the room where the old women were sheltering. The young women did not hesitate—they hurled red-hot iron at the beast. The monsters screamed and collapsed. The women continued throwing glowing iron onto their bodies. Eventually, even the last shriek faded, and the monsters were dead. In the morning, the women saw that the nose, ears, face, and body of one of the monsters had been burned—but one claw remained untouched. From that day on, it has been known as the Iron Nail. The women then went to the village square and saw the corpses of old men and children. To avoid witnessing the devastation, they left the village. The monsters had killed everyone except the women.”

The Akyn-Ashyk tradition was once vibrant, but it no longer plays a central role, as the younger generation in both Kyrgyzstan and Turkey shows little interest in this art form. Masters who can recite poems extemporaneously are known as yrchy.[41]

Over many centuries, songs and music were passed down among nomadic Kyrgyz, creating a rich oral and phonetic heritage. Russian influence led to the documentation of traditional music, though not in the form of Western musical notation. Russians also introduced other musical genres such as classical, jazz, and rock.

Conclusion

Kyrgyz traditions are closely intertwined with the lifestyle of a semi-nomadic society. Nomadism lies at the root of nearly all traditions and continues to influence most aspects of Kyrgyz life, from artisanal production and cuisine to family rituals. The nomadic heritage plays a more significant role in everyday life than Islam. While the mosque is a sacred space for Muslims, the Ulupamir mosque was destroyed in the 2011 earthquake. One of the most important Islamic holidays is Kurman Ait, during which animals are ritually sacrificed. During Kurban Bayramı in Ulupamir, hundreds of sheep are slaughtered.

Sheep and horses are among the most highly valued animals. Only the strongest and most skilled riders can participate in kökbörü, played during festive occasions and public celebrations. While youth in urban Kyrgyz communities show limited interest in buzkashi, they still respect the tradition and its national significance. Ulupamir lives and breathes kökbörü; in fact, all players on the Turkish national team are Kyrgyz.

Sheep also feature in family ceremonies, such as the birth of a child, though weddings continue to hold a central place in Kyrgyz social life. Since their arrival in Turkey, Kyrgyz people have struggled with the limitations of endogamous marriage and now frequently marry Turks or Kurds. As a result, Kyrgyz songs are sung at weddings, while Turkish dances are performed. Bride abductions remain a deeply rooted tradition; in Ulupamir, it is often viewed as the only possible option when a family disapproves of a marriage. After the nikah ceremony, newlyweds typically leave the village—unlike in Kyrgyzstan, where they are generally accepted and allowed to remain. While patriarchal extended families are transitioning toward nuclear units in Kyrgyzstan, strong kinship ties still prevail in Ulupamir. A prominent feature of Kyrgyz identity is the enduring awareness of clan affiliation.

Families gather not only for major events but also for casual family picnics, where the most iconic Kyrgyz dishes—beshbarmak, plov, and manty—are served. The Kyrgyz of Van prepare large manty in the Kyrgyz style, despite the Turkish preference for smaller varieties. Though kumys is the national drink of the Kyrgyz, it is not produced in Ulupamir, where people prefer ayran or tea. The Kyrgyz of Ulupamir strive for self-sufficiency, producing their own bread, yoghurt, ayran, mutton, and other goods. In Kyrgyzstan, one often sees yurts along the roads where herders offer products such as kumys and kurut. Yurts are typically used during major ceremonies, often related to family rituals. For those who cannot afford their own yurt or lack the space, renting or sharing is common. In Ulupamir, for instance, only two yurts serve the entire village.

These yurts display colourful carpets made of felt. The carpet-making tradition has been inherited by girls from the Van region. In Ulupamir, a weaving centre was established to produce hereke carpets. During weaving, the sound of the komuz and Kyrgyz songs accompany the work. In addition to carpets, locals produce shoes, mats, plates, hats, and also make homemade cheese and bread. The residents of Ulupamir are largely self-sufficient in their crafts, and their production has even extended to other cities, including Istanbul.

Almost every Kyrgyz craft has its origin in the nomadic lifestyle, where artistic knowledge was passed down materially as well as through traditional practices. Today, skills such as carpet weaving, playing musical instruments, singing folk songs, and storytelling continue to be handed down from one generation to the next.

• Rahman Kul chán (1913–1990) was the leader of the Kyrgyz people, guiding them through China, Afghanistan, and Pakistan to Turkey.
• SSSR = Svaz sovětských socialistických republik [USSR = Union of Soviet Socialist Republics].
• Horák, Slavomír. Rusko a Střední Asie po rozpadu SSSR. Praha: Karolinum, 2008. ISBN 978-80-246-1472-4.
• Snowball sampling based on existing contacts.
• The term aksakal refers to a respected elder, often translated as “white-bearded man”.
• The World Factbook. [online]. Central Intelligence Agency, 2012 [accessed 2013-11-06]. Available at: <https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tu.html>.
• Ulupamir is located 132 km from Van and 32 km from Erciş.
• Adrese Dayalı Nüfus Kayıt Sistemi (ADNKS) Sonuçları [online]. 2007 [accessed 2013-12-01]. Available at: <http://tuikapp.tuik.gov.tr/adnksdagitapp/adnks.zul>.
• Van’da Kırgız süvari birliği. In: Milliyet Haber [online]. 2013 [accessed 2014-03-11]. Available at: <http://gundem.milliyet.com.tr/van-da-kirgiz-suvari-birligi/gundem/gundemdetay/14.04.2013/1693471/default.htm>
• KOKAISL, Petr. Kyrgyzstán a Kyrgyzové. Plzeň: Filozofická fakulta Západočeské univerzity v Plzni, 2008. ISBN 978-80-7043-772-8, p. 130.
• The Fergana Valley spans parts of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan (Osh, Batken, and Jalal-Abad), and is home to a wide array of ethnic, linguistic, and religious communities.
• “There is no god but God, and Muhammad is His messenger.”
• Jak se stát muslimem. [online] Islamweb. 2010 [accessed 19 March 2014]. Available at: <http://www.islamweb.cz/fatwy/fatwa.php?fatwaId=104>.
• Namáz refers to the Islamic daily prayers.
• SARDAR, Ziauddin & JANDA, Richard. Islám: Náboženství, historie a budoucnost. Brno: JOTA, 2010. ISBN 978-80-7217-628-1, pp. 52–53.
• The term “ramadán” is commonly used in Czech literature for Ramadan.
• EMERICK, Yahiya. The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Understanding Islam. Alpha, 2002. ISBN 9780028642338.
• EXNEROVÁ, Věra. Islám ve Střední Asii za carské a sovětské vlády. Praha: Nakladatelství Karolinum, 2008. ISBN 978-80-246-1504-2, p. 56.
• Orozo Ait is known in Arabic as ʿĪd al-Fiṭr, in Turkish as Ramazan Bayramı or Şeker Bayramı, and in English as the Festival of Breaking the Fast.
• Kurman Ait corresponds to ʿĪd al-Aḍḥā in Arabic, Kurban Bayramı in Turkish, and the Feast of Sacrifice in English.
• LUNDE, Paul. Islám. Praha: Euromedia Group, 2004. ISBN 80-242-1093-2, p. 20.
• Haram denotes that which is forbidden under Islamic law, including carrion, blood, pork, and intoxicants.
• Population and Housing Census of the Kyrgyz Republic of 2009: Book I. Main social and demographic characteristics of population and number of housing units. Bishkek: National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2009.
• Kalym is the traditional bride price.
• KALYBEKOVA, Asel. Kyrgyzstan: Bride Kidnapping Not Just a Rural Phenomenon. [online] Eurasianet.org, 2013 [accessed 19 February 2014]. Available at: <http://www.eurasianet.org/node/66952>.
• In Kyrgyzstan, Polygamy’s Rise Takes Its Toll. [online] Radio Free Europe, 2014 [accessed 22 February 2014]. Available at: <http://www.rferl.org/content/In_Kyrgyzstan_Polygamys_Rise_Takes_Its_Toll_On_Women/1977852.html>.
• Kyrgyz Food Recipes. [online] Our Food Recipes, 2011–2013 [accessed 12 March 2014]. Available at: <http://www.our-food-recipes.com/kyrgyz-food-recipes.html>.
• Kırgız Mutfak Kültürü Üzerine Notlar. [online] Turkish Cultural Foundation, 2011 [accessed 12 March 2014]. Available at: <http://www.turkish-cuisine.org/pages.php?ParentID=3&FirstLevel=19&SecondLevel=122&PagingIndex=0>.
• KOKAISL, Petr et al. Kyrgyzstán a Kyrgyzové: Кыргызстан и Кыргызы. Plzeň: Západočeská univerzita, 2008. ISBN 978-80-7043-772-8, p. 72.
• HOPKINS, Ben. Ölmüş Bir Koyunu Değerlendirmenin 37 Yolu. 2006.
• Tatar yemekleri: Kurut. [online] Tataryemekleri blogspot, 2010 [accessed 12 March 2014]. Available at: <http://tataryemekleri.blogspot.cz/2010/12/kurut.html>.
• LAMBERT, Larry B. Buzkashi. [online] 2010 [accessed 15 November 2013]. Available at: <http://www.afghan-network.net/Culture/buzkashi.html>.
• The Kyrgyz horse: Kyrgyz customs and national traditions. [online] Oriental Express Central Asia, 2003–2014 [accessed 25 February 2014]. Available at: <http://www.kyrgyzstan.orexca.com/horse.shtml>.
• Kökbörü is also known as Kuk Pari, Kok-Boru, Kök Berü, Ulak Tyrtysh, and Ulak Tartysh. In Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and among Persian-speaking peoples, the game is typically referred to as buzkashi; in Turkey, it is known as cirit.
• KAYIPOV, Sulayman. Ethnological Review of the Van Kyrgyz. International Journal of Central Asian Studies. 2010, no. 14.
• KAYIPOV, Sulayman. c. d. [ibid.].
• The komuz is a three-stringed, pear-shaped instrument carved from a single piece of wood.
• Komuz. Traditional music and musical instruments of the Kyrgyz. [online] 2010–2011 [accessed 2 March 2014]. Available at: <http://www.sounds.kg/en/instrument/strynna>.
• Art. Kyrgyz jer. [online] 2007 [accessed 19 March 2014]. Available at: <http://www.kyrgyzjer.com/en/kg/section27/section254/>.
• HORÁK, Slavomír. Manas. [online] 2012 [accessed 5 February 2014]. Available at: <http://slavomirhorak.euweb.cz/sa1999-manas.htm>.
• HAN-WOO, Choi. Ethnological Review of the Van Kyrgyz. International Journal of Central Asian Studies. 2010, no. 14, p. 197.

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