DOI: https://doi.org/10.7160/KS.2023.210204en
Author: Tereza Händlová
Address: Czech University of Life Sciences, Faculty of Economics and Management, Kamýcká 129, 165 00 Praha,
Czech Republic
E-mail: terka.hedly@gmail.com
Language: English (translation from Czech)
Issue: 2/2023 (21)
Page Range: 115–138
No. of Pages: 24
Keywords: Irish Travellers, Ireland, ethnic identity, ethnic minority, cultural elements.
Abstract: This article examines the changing ethnic identity of Irish Travellers, an indigenous, traditionally nomadic group in Ireland with unique linguistic and cultural characteristics. Using fieldwork and unstructured interviews, the study reveals how their identity is adapting amidst social and cultural change. It highlights the fluidity of Traveller identity as it is affected by globalisation, societal integration and efforts to maintain traditional values. Historically, their identity has been suppressed by the state, which has tended to categorise them as a social group. The research highlights the incomplete assimilation of Travellers and the eventual recognition of their ethnic identity in 2017, driven by advocacy groups and international organisations. Despite the loss of their nomadic lifestyle, informants express a strong sense of belonging to the Traveller community. The study concludes with the wider implications of these findings for understanding the dynamics of ethnic identity in minority groups.
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Introduction
Irish Travellers are a traditionally nomadic ethnic group indigenous to Ireland whose identity has long been denied. They have their own culture, traditions and language. In 2017, they were officially recognised as an ethnic group by the Republic of Ireland, and awareness of this ethnic minority is beginning to spread beyond Ireland and the UK. Historically, Irish Travellers have been viewed by the Republic of Ireland as a disadvantaged social group in need of settlement and integration into mainstream society, which has led to negative reactions both academically and internationally. As a result, many organisations were formed to campaign for the recognition of Irish Travellers as a distinct ethnic group and not just a social movement. Although they were officially recognised as an ethnic group in 2017, there are still views that see them as a marginalised group that has not been successful in the settlement process. This article focuses on the ethnic identity of Irish Travellers and the factors that influence it.
Methodology
The main source of data was fieldwork and unstructured interviews with informants. Prior to the actual fieldwork, information was gathered by telephone through the non-profit organisation Pavee Point. Informants were recruited through public Facebook groups. Unstructured interviews with them were conducted through video interviews, and when additional information was needed, communication was conducted through private messages on the social network. The short-term fieldwork took place in February 2023 with the aim of visiting Dublin, which according to statistics is the place where most Irish Travellers in Ireland live[1]. During the fieldwork, the Saint Margaret’s camp site and the non-profit organisation Pavee Point were visited for non-participant observation. Additional informants were contacted, and semi-structured interviews were conducted during the fieldwork. A total of six informants were contacted, four of whom were members of the Irish Traveller community and two of Irish descent.
Literary research
The question of Irish Travellers‘ ethnic identity is explored by anthropologists Sharon Bohn Gmelch and George Gmelch in their book Irish Travellers: the Unsettled Life. The book describes their fieldwork experiences in Ireland between 1971 and 2011. On their first visit, they stayed at a campsite in the Holylands (Northern Ireland), where they lived for a year with Irish Travellers, not only interviewing them but also participating in their daily activities. In 2011 the researchers returned to Ireland to see if and how the lives of the Irish Traveller families they had met 40 years earlier had changed. The most important and significant change was the loss of the nomadic way of life for most Travellers. The authors cite the social and institutional legitimacy of sedentary life as the main reason for this, while nomadism is seen as a deviation from the norm.[2]
The article Last among equals: Irish Travellers and Change in the 21st Century by Ronnie G. Moore describes how modernisation has changed the lives of Irish Travellers. In the past Travellers worked in occupations that did not require an apprenticeship, often as craftsmen, entrepreneurs or tradesmen, and were generally self-employed. Specific occupations included plumbing, horse breeding, peddling and various seasonal jobs. However, with the development of industrial technology and the move away from an agrarian society, traditional nomadic occupations became redundant and lost their economic independence. Another important element in the lives of nomads were their relatives, with whom they were closely linked both socially and economically. However, the limitations of the nomadic way of life have led to a narrowing of social ties and thus to the isolation of the group. Travellers also feel discriminated against by the settled population, who often question their identity. It should be added that, at the time of writing, Ireland does not recognise Irish Travellers as a distinct ethnic group. The loss of a social support structure with perceived discrimination has had an impact on the mental health of Travellers. According to the article, the suicide rate among Travellers is 6.6 times that of the general population, with an even higher rate among males.[3]
Irish Travellers and their place in society is the subject of Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture by Jane Leslie Helleiner. In her work, she explains how Travellers were a respected group during the Irish National Revival in the 19th century. They were seen as a remnant of late medieval society, able to adapt to changing conditions during famines and survive without settling down. However, a major shift occurred in the 1960s when the Irish no longer identified with the vision of an ancient Celtic Ireland, and this affected attitudes towards the Travellers. As Ireland grew economically, the nomads were seen as renegades, living a lifestyle that did not conform to social norms. As Travellers lost the basic means to maintain their traditional way of life, they were expected to adapt to a modernising Irish society, which involved integration into a settled environment and the loss of key elements of their cultural identity.[4]
Ethnic minorities and their sense of identity
The precise definition of ethnicity on which this article is based is described by Jandourek as a set of cultural, racial and linguistic factors. In addition, ethnic groups that share an ethnicity are distinguished from others by their history, self-identification and awareness of common ancestry, and are also perceived as ethnically distinct from others. Jandourek also distinguishes the concept of race from ethnicity, where race is defined as a group of people with certain hereditary characteristics, such as skin colour.[5]
With regard to ethnic minorities, Šatava divides ethnic minorities into four subgroups. The first group consists of “small ethnic groups” that do not have their own nation-state (e.g. Basques or Lusatian Serbs). The next group is made up of parts of ‚state peoples‘ living outside the mother country in other state formations (e.g. Germans in Denmark). The third category is ethnic communities that lack the characteristics of classically developed nations, such as territory or language (e.g. Roma or Jews outside Israel). The final group, and the most important for this article, are specific examples that straddle ethnic and ethnographic groups (e.g. Kashubians in Poland) or sometimes specific religious or social groups, in which the author includes the Irish Travellers.[6]
Ethnic groups are nowadays understood as the cultural heritage of humanity. Efforts to preserve the identity of these groups are often paralleled with ecological efforts to protect and preserve as many animals and plants on our planet as possible. Šatava stresses that the richness of the world lies not in the tendency towards uniformity but in the respect for alternatives and in the parallel existence of different forms of human culture. The processes of maintaining or revitalizing languages and ethnic identities can also be seen as progress in the context of the promotion of human rights and the fight against discrimination.[7]
Introducing Irish Travellers
Irish Travellers are an ethnic minority group with origins in Ireland. They refer to themselves as Pavee, Mincéir or An Lucht Siúil (Irish for walking people). Some sources also use the terms Tinkers or Knackers, but these are considered pejorative. As the name suggests, they are characterised by a traditional nomadic lifestyle. Although their way of life is similar to that of the Roma, they are not genetically related to them. Most of them live in Ireland and the United Kingdom, mainly in Northern Ireland. Like the Irish population, they are predominantly Roman Catholic. They speak their own language, known in academic circles as Shelta, but Travellers themselves use the terms Gammon or Cant.
At present Irish Travellers face a number of social problems associated with their way of life. These problems include housing, unemployment, low levels of education, poor health and discrimination. All of these problems have a profoundly negative impact on the lives and position of Irish Travellers in society.
Demographic information
This article focuses primarily on Irish Travellers living in Ireland, using statistics provided by the Central Statistics Office of Ireland. According to the latest census in 2016, there were 30,987 Travellers living in Ireland, representing 0.7% of the total population. There was a 5.1% increase in their numbers compared to the 2011 Census. It is important to note that the total number of Irish Travellers may be even higher as some hold British citizenship but live and travel primarily in Ireland. The largest number of Travellers lived in Dublin (5,089 persons), followed by the cities of Galway (1,598 persons) and Cork (1,222 persons). By county, the largest numbers were in County Galway and South Dublin. Although in the past Travellers often moved to the countryside on a short-term basis, the majority now prefer to live in towns and cities.
 | Figure 1: Number of Irish Travellers by county, taken from the Central Statistics Office website [8] |
Almost 60% of Irish Travellers were under the age of 25, while only 2.9% of men and 3.1% of women were over the age of 65. It was interesting to note that almost half of Irish Traveller women aged 40-49 had 5 or more children, which differed markedly from the general population where only 4.2% of women had 5 or more children. This trend is also linked to their marital status, as 6.5% of Irish Travellers were married between the ages of 15 and 19. This difference is again very significant when compared to the general population where only 0.2% of women in the same age group were married.
In terms of education, Irish Travellers were well below the average for the general population. Only 1% of them had a university degree, compared to around 30% of the general population. Unemployment among Irish Travellers was high at 80.2% in 2016.[9]
Chart 1: Women aged 40-49 by number of live births, own elaboration from Central Statistical Office data [10]
History and theory of the origins of the Irish Travellers
With no written tradition, the past of the Irish Travellers is unclear. However, there are many theories that attempt to explain this mystery. One of the earliest theories of their origins dates back to the 1950s and describes the Irish Travellers as descendants of farmers who were forced to leave their land as a result of the Great Irish Famine. This theory was used to justify a government programme in the 1960s which encouraged their settlement in permanent housing and their assimilation, essentially leading to the eradication of their identity.[11] This theory has been challenged by research which analysed the genetic information of 10719 people, 42 of whom were Irish Travellers. This study shows that Travellers are genetically distinct not only from the Roma, but also from the Irish. However, they have common ancestors with them from whom they separated genetically about 360 years ago (about 12 generations), i.e. around 1650. This finding therefore disproves the above theory, especially since the Great Irish Famine hit Ireland between 1845 and 1852. The authors speculate that the separation occurred during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland, when many Irish lost their land.[12]
There is no consensus on the origins of Irish Travellers. During the 20th century, however, a large body of written evidence was produced on various aspects of their lives. These records were mainly obtained through fieldwork and oral history.
In the past Travellers moved mainly in the Irish countryside. Initially on foot, later they used horse-drawn carts. As they travelled they offered a variety of goods and services. In some cases they also brought news of world events. Their name “Tinkers” was based on the most common craft in which Irish Travellers were involved, that of tinkering. They specialised in repairing household items such as cups, candlesticks, plates, glasses and similar items. In addition to tinkering, they also engaged in other trades such as chimney sweeping, trading in donkeys and horses, selling small goods and hiring out for seasonal work.
After the Second World War, Ireland experienced rapid development which led to the disappearance of many of the traditional Traveller occupations. For example, the availability of plastic containers and cheap mass-produced goods meant that plumbing skills were no longer as necessary. The introduction of tractors and other modern agricultural machinery reduced the need for seasonal labour. As a result of these changes, many nomads moved to urban areas, where they set up camps along roadsides, in fields or on abandoned building sites. Men began collecting scrap metal, while women and girls began begging in front of houses.
This migration to the cities led to conflicts between the urban population and the nomads, resulting in a national movement to settle the nomads in designated places and gradually integrate them into mainstream society. As part of this process, the Travellers Commission was established, which will be analysed in the next section of this article.[13]
Shelta, Gammon, Cant
The Irish Traveller language is often classified as a cryptolect, which refers to so-called secret languages. However, its origins remain partly unclear due to the lack of historical documentation on Irish Travellers. The language is thought to be primarily based on Old Irish, a Celtic language, and is characterised by a number of words that are either similar to Old Irish or deliberately distorted (for example, by changing order or swapping letters). It also contains words from the Romani (Gypsy) language. Speakers of this language are bilingual, with English as a second language. Interestingly, the two languages often interact and intertwine. Because of this complex linguistic interaction, some linguists believe that Shelta should not be considered a separate language, but rather an argot.[14] However, the Irish Traveller language is characterised by its own lexical vocabulary, which includes expressions relating mainly to food, work, family, religious practices and then aspects of nomadism such as place of residence, direction of travel and movement. There are several variants of Shelta which vary between different groups of Irish Travellers.[15] As mentioned in the literature review, there are different names for this language. The most common are Gammon, Cant and Shelta. In this paper the term Shelta will be used as it is used in linguistics.
| Shelta | Irish | English |
| kamair | máthair | mother |
| gāter | athair | father |
| gåt’rin | leanbh | child |
| kuri | capall | horse |
| lobān | puball | tent |
| gored | airgead | money |
| dālʹon | dhia | God |
| batoma | gardaí | police |
Table 1: Words in Shelta, Irish and English, own reporting based on data from the book[16], words are transcribed from the spoken form, so there are multiple ways to write.
Gammon or Cant are the names most commonly used by Irish Travellers. When questioning the informants, Cheyanne and Casy, about the possible differences between the two terms, both stated that they do not make a fine distinction between the names. Both refer to them as synonyms, noting that the name ‚Gammon‘ tends to be used more by the older generation in particular. However, the term ‚Cant‘ is now predominantly used. It is interesting to note that the Travellers themselves use the language of the Shelta as a means of identifying amongst themselves within the Irish Traveller community.
When someone speaks cant, I know they’re one of us.[17]
Cheyanne says that Shelta is still spoken by nomads in the presence of the settled population. She teaches her children to speak Shelta so that they can warn each other of possible danger from strangers. However, she feels that the younger generation is no longer interested in learning Shelta.
They think it is useless because no children in the school speak Cant. It’s a shame.[18]
Cheyanne would like to see Traveller culture and the Shelta language included in the school curriculum so that the younger generation can learn about Traveller culture and the Shelta language. She sees the Shelta language itself as the most important feature of her community and is proud of it. It could be said that for Cheyanne, Shelta is central to her identity. According to Casy, all nomads should be able to speak Shelta. Those who do not speak it are not nomads. He opposes the Roma population, but admits that he knows a few words in Romani. The need to preserve the language was also mentioned by informant Tony, who is not happy with linguists and anthropologists trying to understand it. According to him, Shelta is losing its original meaning.
From this perspective, the function of Shelta as a hidden language is still clear today, with the new added function of preserving the cultural identity of Irish Travellers. By using it they are protecting themselves and what is left of their culture. To some extent it also reflects the socio-economic situation of Irish Travellers as a group despised by society.
Irish Traveller culture and traditions
The most important cultural aspect of the Irish Nomads is their nomadic lifestyle. Historically, nomadism was a sustainable way of life as the occupations they pursued did not require them to be in one place permanently and it was therefore advantageous to move around the Irish countryside to work. This type of nomadism is known as peripatetic, which refers to nomads who regularly change location and provide specific services.[19] For transport and movement, the Irish nomads used a horse-drawn carriage known as a nomadic wagon. Today the wagon is still seen as an important symbol of the nomadic way of life, mainly because of its key role in nomadic culture. Traditionally, wagons are decorated with handmade ornaments, often painted or carved directly into the wood of the wagon. Common motifs include horses, flowers, fruit and other symbols associated with the historic nomadic way of life.
Figure 2: Nomadic wagon [20]
Figure 3: Close-up of the coach wagon [21]
The lives of Irish Travellers were so intertwined with wagons that in the past it was customary for wagons to be burnt after the death of the owner as a mark of respect for the deceased.[22]
To travel by cart, nomads depended on horses, which in turn became an important part of nomadic culture. But the relationship between nomads and their horses is not purely utilitarian. Cheyanne and her husband have 4 horses, 2 of which she inherited from her father.
They are more than pets to me. They are part of our family.[23]
She explains that it also serves as a memorial to her late father, who owned up to 14 horses. It also reminds her of a way of life when nomads were still free. Although she no longer uses horses to travel, they have an emotional value for her. Informant Casey does not own a horse because he cannot afford one. He also remembers that his father taught him to ride when he was young. In his words, horses were also used to build the relationship between father and son.
My father gave me a horse when I was a child. It was taken away from me when I was 14. I haven’t had one since.[24]
In 1996, the Horse Control Act was passed, making it compulsory for horses to be stabled, which led to the loss of many horses to nomads who often let them graze freely. The largest wave of seizures took place in 2013, when around 3,000 horses were seized in Ireland.[25]
This law was devastating for Irish Travellers as they could no longer travel in wagons. This example shows how legislation gradually restricted and transformed traditional Traveller culture. Horse-drawn carriages gradually gave way to caravans and campervans, which Travellers now used for urban travel rather than their traditional rural wandering. Casey, for example, owns the caravan in which he lives in Cork. He complains that the high price of diesel means he cannot afford to travel as far as he used to.
Figure 4: Caravans standing by the halting site in Saint Margaret’s in Dublin, own photo.
Although nomads are losing their original way of life, there are public events to commemorate them. One of the biggest takes place once a year in Appleby, England. It’s a horse fair that includes a festival. It always lasts for 7 days in June and attracts nomads from all parts of the British Isles as well as people from outside the nomadic community. The fair attracts around 30,000 visitors each year who take part in various rituals and events. One of these rituals is the traditional way of caring for the horses, which involves washing them in the cold River Eden. After this grooming, the horses are paraded, raced and sold by barter.
In addition to the sale of horses, visitors to the fair can buy a variety of other products such as clothing, handicrafts and even fortune telling. It is interesting to note that the fair is also attended by nomadic girls and boys who come here in the hope of finding a future partner.[26]
Informant Cheyanne visited the fair a few times herself, but always without horses, as she is not interested in selling any anyway. Nevertheless, she describes the event as a wonderful experience.
Figure 5: Traditional horse washing in the River Eden [27]
Today, the nomadic way of life has become unsustainable, mainly due to the gradual change in the needs and demands of society. In the past, nomadic livelihoods were based on providing services that have lost their relevance in modern times. In addition, sedentary lifestyles have become the norm and nomadism is often banned or criminalised. As a result, many Travellers now live in more permanent accommodation, be it houses, flats or caravans.
Although some Travellers still maintain caravans, they no longer use them primarily for travelling, but rather as a place to live permanently. For example, informant Casey, who lives in a caravan, would prefer to live in a house but financial constraints prevent him from doing so. Nevertheless, he regrets the loss of his nomadic life and feels cramped.
Another informant, Tony, who lives in a house on the St Margaret’s campsite, is very unhappy with the current conditions faced by Travellers today.
They took our horses and wagons and stuffed us into concrete boxes.[28]
Tony’s house is part of the Traveller Accommodation Programme. He moved in with his family because, he says, they had no other choice. He would rather live in a house than a caravan.
Cheyanne and her family live in a house with a garden and stables for their horses. She also regrets the loss of the nomadic way of life, but sees some positive aspects of settled life.
I’m happy that my children can go to school and get an education that wasn’t possible before.[29]
Informant Cheyanne sees improved access to health care as a positive, as well as the breaking down of stereotypical gender roles. She describes how, in the past, a woman’s role was that of a caregiver, mainly looking after the household. Men worked and thought about where to go next. But she adds that even today Traveller girls are expected to be housewives.
This is linked to another cultural feature of Irish Travellers, namely young marriage, which is rooted in the Christian faith, which emphasises the chastity and virginity of girls before marriage. Irish Traveller families therefore have high expectations of their daughters and these girls are often eager to marry as early as possible in order to gain greater freedom. In the past the practice of marriage brokerage was common, particularly by uncles and older brothers. Marriage was used to strengthen relationships between families. Nowadays, however, girls usually choose their own future partners, although their choice still has to be approved by the family. The prospective partner must meet the criteria of the girl’s family, the most important of which is that he or she must also be an Irish Traveller. It is completely unacceptable for a girl to marry into a settled family. Marriages between family members, usually cousins, also occur. Once a girl has found a partner who is accepted by her family, a wedding is arranged as soon as possible. These weddings are a major social event in the nomadic community, bringing together relatives and friends of the family, and the celebrations are often very lavish.[30]
Informant Cheyanne remembers her wedding as the best day of her life. She arranged much of her wedding herself, but the money came more from the groom’s family. Immediately after the wedding she and her husband decided to start a family and a year later Cheyanne gave birth to their first daughter. In Traveller culture women have more children mainly because of early marriage and the expectations of Traveller society.
Overall it can be seen that Irish Travellers have their own language, traditions and culture, which is mainly linked to their nomadic way of life. Family and social relationships among nomads play a key role in their lives. It is understandable that Travellers see themselves as different from the mainstream population because of their unique culture and way of life.
Ireland and the Irish Travellers
The identity of Irish Travellers has historically not been recognised by the Republic of Ireland. The first major attention to them from Ireland came in the 1960s when Travellers began to move en masse into the cities. At that time the Commission on Itinerancy was set up to deal with the problems associated with Travellers.
Commission on Itinerancy
The Commission on Itinerancy was set up in June 1960 and the word itinerant, which had been used to describe travellers in the past, was used in the name of the Commission. Although there is no exact equivalent of this word in some languages, its meaning can be expressed similarly to vagrant. The Commission used the theory of Irish Travellers‘ origins as descendants of the displaced peasants during the Great Irish Famine to promote their assimilation. Interestingly, no member of the Commission was an Irish Traveller. It was made up mainly of senior Irish civil servants who had little knowledge of Irish Travellers.[31]
The most important document produced by the Commission was the 1963 Report. This report contained recommendations aimed at tackling the problem of Travellers, who were often referred to as vagrants at the time. The term itinerant was used in this report to refer to Travellers, although the preferred term Traveller was also mentioned. The reason why the preferred term was not used in the report is not explained.
Similarly, the decision that Irish Travellers cannot be considered an ethnic group and the failure to provide an expert opinion on this issue. The report also avoided analysing the demonisation of Travellers by mainstream society, which the Commission took for granted without examining it in detail.
The main conclusion of the report was that assimilation was necessary to solve the ‚Traveller‘ problem. The report was based on the theory that once settled, Travellers would become part of the majority population, essentially proposing the removal of the Traveller identity. [32]
Acculturation of Irish Travellers
Ireland therefore sought to assimilate Irish Travellers regardless of their culture. It used various legislative measures to curb their nomadic lifestyle, including the Horse Control Act mentioned above. It was illegal for them to camp or stand in some places. The state believed that this would solve the problems associated with nomads. These changes had a very negative impact on Irish Travellers who felt robbed of their identity. Instead of becoming part of mainstream society, they were more likely to be discriminated against by the majority population. Although the Travelling Commission report recommended the provision of Traveller accommodation, many towns and cities failed to implement this recommendation.[33]
It could be said with some certainty that historically the Traveller community has adopted a strategy of separation according to the acculturation model. Due to frequent nomadism, there was no need to adopt the majority culture, especially as much of the communication and interaction took place within the nomadic community. At the beginning of the 21st century, traditional nomadic life began to change, mainly due to the aforementioned changes in society. The majority society questioned their identity and the marginalisation of the group began. To this day, some Travellers see themselves as mere renegades of society. This is linked to many of the other problems facing Travellers today.
However, a change in the state’s view of Irish Travellers came in 1983 when Ireland published the Report of the Travelling People Review Body. This report no longer recommended assimilation but integration with respect to Traveller culture. The report did not refer to Travellers as a separate ethnic group, but used the term Traveller. This is partly because the report was written in collaboration with Irish Travellers. It also recommended the provision of encampments (here called halting places), places where Travellers could legally settle for the necessary period.[34]
Irish Traveller encampments
The 1998 Act requires each local authority in Ireland to prepare, adopt and implement five year rolling accommodation programmes to meet the current and projected accommodation needs of Travellers in their area. The halting sites mentioned above are common. Today’s halting sites have separate areas where a van or caravan can be parked, but they also have smaller houses that Travellers can rent and in some cases own. They have water, electricity and even toilet and shower facilities. There are 4 halting sites in Dublin.[35]
The Saint Margaret’s halting site was visited during the fieldwork. It was heavily contaminated, with rubbish and shrapnel strewn across the ground. Sanitary facilities were in a state of disrepair. Children were playing in the street under the supervision of their parents. The expressions on the faces of the travellers showed their dissatisfaction with the place. To further understand the situation, contact was made with an Irish Traveller living on the site. The informant, Tony, described the campsite as overcrowded. They have protested several times to get new campsites in Dublin, but no new Traveller sites have been built since 2013. Many Traveller families live on the edge of the site, where there are no dividing walls. In his view, the state does not care about the site and seems to be trying to get rid of it. The site is surrounded by houses on one side and an IKEA store on the other. In addition, buildings for office space have been built nearby.
They don’t want us here, so they can’t be surprised that we don’t like it.[36]
On one side of the campsite there is a wall almost eight metres high separating the halting site from the main road. According to Tony, this wall, along with the newly constructed buildings, prevents the sun from penetrating. Before retiring, Tony worked as a social worker. He expressed his wish that the taxes he paid in the past could be used to improve and create new campsites.
Picture 6. Entrance to the campsite in Saint Margaret’s, own photo
Recognition of Irish Travellers as an ethnic minority
An important event in the history of Irish Travellers was the recognition of their ethnic identity in 2017 by the then Prime Minister of Ireland, Enda Kenny. This was largely due to decades of lobbying by Traveller organisations and international institutions. However, the decision was more symbolic than anything else, as no new rights were granted to Travellers. Nevertheless, the decision is important for Irish Travellers, particularly from a psychological point of view. The misperception of Travellers as a socially disadvantaged group has been internalised by Travellers themselves. This internalisation was largely due to the previous attitude of the state. Recognition of their ethnicity has increased their self-awareness and thus their collective self-esteem. [37]
Informant Cheyanne says she has been ashamed of her Traveller heritage in the past. At school she tried to fit in as much as possible, even changing her accent completely. Informant Casey also used to hide her heritage in public. Today, however, things are different. Both informants express pride in their nomadic identity. This attitude may be motivated by the fact that in the past there was not as much awareness of Irish Travellers as there is today, even among Travellers themselves.
We lived our lives, we didn’t think about ethnicity at all.[38]
The question of ethnic identity only arose when nomads were perceived as social outsiders without a culture of their own. Recognition as an ethnic minority reinforced the Traveller community’s perception of their identity as distinct and unique.
We note the efforts made by the Republic of Ireland to improve the living conditions of Irish Travellers, although there are still areas where progress needs to be made, as shown in the chapter on encampments. The recognition of Irish Travellers as an ethnic minority is a significant step forward for the Traveller community. It is hoped that the negative attitudes of the majority population towards Irish Travellers will change for the better in the future. However, it should be noted that the State itself does not have complete control over how the majority population perceives Irish Travellers, and media narratives also play a part.
Irish Traveller Associations
There are a number of organisations in Ireland that bring together Irish Travellers, most notably Pavee Point, The Traveller Movement and Minceirs Whiden. Most of these organisations were formed in response to the unfair labelling of Travellers as social misfits by the state, mainly dating back to the 1980s.[39]
Pavee Point
Pavee Point is one of the oldest Irish Traveller organisations. It was founded in Dublin in 1985 on the initiative of John O’Connell and Ronnie Fay and operates as a government-funded NGO. Its main mission is to improve the quality of life and living conditions of Irish Travellers and Gypsies. The organisation focuses on a number of key areas including health care, education, domestic violence prevention, community development and support for drug and alcohol addicts. Pavee Point is based in Dublin on Great Charles Street. The building used by the organisation was originally used as an Anglican chapel but has now been adapted to meet the needs of Pavee Point.[40]
Figure 7: Pavee Point headquarters, own photo
Figure 8: Board in front of the Pavee Point headquarters with the emblem of the organisation, own photo
In 2017, the organisation set itself four strategic objectives:
- To promote the cultural identity and ethnicity of Irish Travellers and Gypsies.
- To increase the direct participation and empowerment of Irish Travellers and Gypsies.
- To address current issues of inequality between Irish Travellers and Roma.
- To strengthen Pavee Point.
To achieve these aims the organisation organises a range of programmes and activities.[41] One of the organisation’s greatest achievements has been the state recognition of Traveller ethnic identity, which it and other organisations have been lobbying for for over 30 years. Other notable achievements include winning the Max van der Stoel Award from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) for promoting and protecting the rights of Irish Travellers and Roma. This makes Pavee Point the first NGO to receive this prestigious award. They were also congratulated on the award by Minister Roderic O’Gorman.[42]
Discussion and conclusion
The article focused on the ethnic identity of Irish Travellers and the way in which Travellers themselves perceive it. The article also outlined some of the political and social issues that have influenced the development of their identity.
Irish Travellers are an ethnic group indigenous to Ireland with their own culture, language and traditions. In the past they were mainly engaged in occupations compatible with their nomadic way of life. Their occupations included work as tinkers, chimney sweeps, petty traders and general artisans, travelling in horse-drawn wagons to find work and living on the move. Their main routes of travel were the rural areas of Ireland. For the nomads, their wagons were not only of practical importance but also of cultural significance. These wagons were often decorated with elaborate ornaments and were sometimes burnt as a mark of respect after the death of their owner. Horses also played an important role in nomadic culture, and not just for utilitarian reasons.
Irish Travellers maintain their own language called Shelta, which is a linguistically interesting phenomenon. This language is probably based on Old Irish, but most of the words have been modified to the point of being unrecognisable to the outside world. One of the reasons for the lack of a written tradition is the linguistic diversity of the various Irish Traveller groups. Shelta is one of the so-called secret languages, whose main function was to protect the speaker from danger from outsiders. Shelta is still used by Travellers today, both for safety and as an important historical element of their identity.
The 20th century saw significant changes to the nomadic lifestyle. Industrialisation and modernisation led to the gradual disappearance of traditional Traveller occupations and caused many Travellers to migrate to towns and cities. These developments led to an increase in Traveller poverty and the need for government action. In the 1960s Irish Travellers were unfortunately labelled as a problematic social group in need of assimilation. This misconception on the part of the state continues to affect Travellers today.
It was not until the late 20th century that the Traveller issue began to be taken more seriously and, after much lobbying by various associations and international organisations, Irish Travellers were finally officially recognised as a distinct ethnic group in 2017. However, there are still views, particularly from the majority population, that label Travellers as social misfits.
Irish Traveller organisations play an important role in Irish politics as defenders of the rights of this community. Most of these organisations were established in response to the misclassification of Travellers by the state in the past and their aim today is to raise awareness of the situation of Travellers and to provide support. One of their greatest achievements has been the recognition of Travellers as a distinct ethnic group.
In terms of perceptions of their ethnic identity, it is clear from informants‘ accounts that Travellers feel that in the past their identity has been seriously eroded and almost taken away from them. However, this situation is now gradually improving. Increased awareness of Traveller culture and traditions, and advocacy by organisations for the rights of the community, are helping Travellers to rebuild and strengthen their ethnic identity. Although they may have lost their traditional nomadic way of life, they still cherish their culture and traditions and have maintained their own language, which they still use today.
I would like to end this article with the words of informant Cheyanne:
We may no longer be nomads, but at heart, we are still Travellers.[43]
[1] Census of Population 2016: Profile 8 Irish Travellers, Ethnicity and Religion, 2017. Central Statistics Office [online]. Cork [cit. 2023-02-22]. Available from: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cp8iter/p8iter/p8itd/
[2] GMELCH, George and Sharon Bohn GMELCH, 2014. Irish travellers: the unsettled life. 1. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. p. 12-18 ISBN 9780253014535.
[3] MOORE, Ronnie G., 2012. “Last among equals”: Irish Travellers and change in the 21st century. Europäisches Journal für Minderheitenfragen. 2012(1), 14. ISSN 1865-1097. Available from: doi:10.1007/s12241-012-0038-2
[4] HELLEINER, Jane Leslie, 2000. Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0802048439.
[5] JANDOUREK, Jan, 2003. Úvod do sociologie. Praha: Portál. p. 100-101 ISBN 8071787493.
[6] ŠATAVA, Leoš, 2013. Etnicita a jazyk: teorie, praxe, trendy: čítanka textů. 1. Brno: Tribun EU. Librix.sk. p. 31-32 ISBN 9788026305170.
[7] ŠATAVA, Leoš, 2009. Jazyk a identita etnických menšin: možnosti zachování a revitalizace. 1. Praha: Sociologické nakladatelství (SLON). Studijní texty (Sociologické nakladatelství) p. 46-61. ISBN 9788086429830.
[8] Census of Population 2016: Profile 8 Irish Travellers, Ethnicity and Religion, 2017. Central Statistics Office [online]. Cork [cit. 2023-03-02]. Available from: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cp8iter/p8iter/p8itd/
[9] Census of Population 2016: Profile 8 Irish Travellers, Ethnicity and Religion, 2017. Central Statistics Office [online]. Cork [cit. 2023-03-02]. Available from: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cp8iter/p8iter/p8itd/
[10] Census of Population 2016: Profile 8 Irish Travellers, Ethnicity and Religion, 2017. Central Statistics Office [online]. Cork [cit. 2023-03-02]. Available from: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cp8iter/p8iter/p8itd/
[11] HELLEINER, Jane Leslie, 2000. Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 30 ISBN 0802048439.
[12] GILBERT, Edmund, Shai CARMI, Sean ENNIS, James F. WILSON and Gianpiero L. CAVALLERI, 2017. Genomic insights into the population structure and history of the Irish Travellers. Scientific Reports. 7(1), 12. ISSN 2045-2322. Available from: doi:10.1038/srep42187
[13] GMELCH, George and Sharon Bohn GMELCH, 2014. Irish travellers: the unsettled life. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. p. 12-18 ISBN 9780253014535.
[14] RIEDER, Marie, 2018. Irish Traveller Language An Ethnographic and Folk-Linguistic Exploration. Limerick: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9783319767130.
[15] KIRK, John, 2002 Travellers and Their Language. Belfast: Cló Ollscoil na Banríona.ISBN 0853898324.
[16] KIRK, John, 2002 Travellers and Their Language, 1. Belfast: Cló Ollscoil na Banríona.ISBN 0853898324.
[17] Interview with informant – Casey (Irish Traveller)
[18] Interview with informant – Cheyanne (Irish Traveller)
[19] MOORE, Ronnie G., 2012. “Last among equals”: Irish Travellers and change in the 21st century. Europäisches Journal für Minderheitenfragen. 2012(1), 14. ISSN 1865-1097. Available from: doi:10.1007/s12241-012-0038-2
[20] Gypsy Caravan Company [online], 2022. Norwich [cit. 2023-03-05]. Available from: http://www.gypsycaravancompany.co.uk/index.html
[21] Ibid.
[22] HELLEINER, Jane Leslie, 2000. Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture. 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 111 ISBN 0802048439.
[23] Interview with informant – Cheyanne
[24] Interview with informant – Casey
[25] BURKE WOOD, Patricia, 2019. Significance of Horses: Control Legislation and Impact on Irish Travellers. Society and Animals. 27(5-6), 487-504. ISSN 1063-1119. Available from: doi:10.1163/15685306-12341566
[26] Appleby Horse Fair [online], 2023. Appleby [cit. 2023-03-05]. Available from: https://www.applebyfair.org
[27] Appleby Horse Fair: Ticket-only entry to Gypsy gathering proposed [online], 2022. London [cit. 2023-03-05]. Available from: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-cumbria-63517280
[28] Interview with informant – Tony (Irish Traveller)
[29] Interview with informant – Cheyanne (Irish Traveller)
[30] HELLEINER, Jane Leslie, 2000. Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0802048439.
[31] RIEDER, Marie, 2018. Irish Traveller Language An Ethnographic and Folk-Linguistic Exploration. Limerick: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 11-12 ISBN 9783319767130.
[32] BOYLE, Anne, Marie FLYNN and Joan HANAFIN, 2018. From Absorption to Inclusion: The Evolution of Irish State Policy on Travellers. Social Capital and Enterprise in the Modern State. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018-02-23, 75-115. ISBN 978-3-319-68114-6. Available from: doi:10.1007/978-3-319-68115-3_5
[33] HELLEINER, Jane Leslie, 2000. Irish Travellers: racism and the politics of culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0802048439.
[34] BOYLE, Anne, Marie FLYNN and Joan HANAFIN, 2018. From Absorption to Inclusion: The Evolution of Irish State Policy on Travellers. Social Capital and Enterprise in the Modern State. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018-02-23, 75-115. ISBN 978-3-319-68114-6. Available from: doi:10.1007/978-3-319-68115-3_5
[35] Central Portal for Government Services and Information [online], 2022. Dublin [cit. 2023-03-06]. Available from: https://www.gov.ie/en/
[36] Interview with informant – Tony
[37] HAYNES, Amanda, Sindy JOYCE and Jennifer SCHWEPPE, 2020. The Significance of the Declaration of Ethnic Minority Status for Irish Travellers. Nationalities Papers. Taylor & Francis, 49(2), 19. ISSN 1465-3923. Available from: doi:10.1017/nps.2020.28
[38] Interview with informant – Casey
[39] RIEDER, Marie. Irish Traveller Language An Ethnographic and Folk-Linguistic Exploration. Limerick: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. p. 8. ISBN 9783319767130.
[40] FEY, Ronnie and Caoimhe MCCABE, 2015. 30 Years Of Pavee Point. Dublin: Pavee Point. ISBN 1897598335.
[41] Annual report 2021, 2022. In: Dublin: Pavee Point, číslo 1. Dostupné také z: https://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/37784/1/Annual-Report-Pavee-2021.pdf
[42] Pavee Point first Irish NGO to receive Max van der Stoel Award [online], 2021. Dublin: Pavee Point [cit. 2023-03-09]. Available from: https://www.paveepoint.ie/pavee-point-first-irish-ngo-to-receive-max-van-der-stoel-award/
[43] Interview with informant – Cheyanne
References
Annual report 2021, 2022. [online] Dublin: Pavee Point, Available from: https://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/37784/1/Annual-Report-Pavee-2021.pdf
Appleby Horse Fair [online], 2023. Appleby [cit. 2023-03-05]. Available from: https://www.applebyfair.org
Appleby Horse Fair: Ticket-only entry to Gypsy gathering proposed [online], 2022. London [cit. 2023-03-05]. Available from: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-cumbria-63517280
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