Dagmar Nováková
Provozně ekonomická fakulta ČZU v Praze, Kamýcká 129, 165 21 Praha-Suchdol
Faculty of Economics and Management, CULS Prague, Czech Rep.
novakova25@post.cz
Post-socialist transformation of society in Kyrgyzstan
Author: Dagmar Nováková
Language: Czech
Issue: 1/2013
Page Range: 67-87
No. of Pages: 21
Keywords: Kyrgyzstan; Soviet Union; Talas; transformation; everyday life
Summary/Abstract:
This paper addresses the post-socialist transformation of society in Kyrgyzstan in the southern part of the country: Talas region. Its main goal is to find answers in relation to singular objectives concerning everyday life: family, the social status of women in society, and the institution of marriage in the pre-Soviet (till 1917), Soviet (1917–1991), and post-Soviet periods (1991 – up to now). These will show whether transformational changes occurred during these periods.
Česká verze: HTML
Introduction
This study examines the post-socialist transformation of society in Kyrgyzstan, focusing on the northern part of the country, the Talas region. The aim of the present paper is to examine the consequences of transformation processes in the Central Asian republics of the former USSR using Kyrgyzstan as an example. The paper highlights the spectrum of changes that began to take place in the context of economic transformation, which fundamentally reshaped culture understood as a way of life. The aim of this study is to determine whether the following areas of everyday life have changed in Kyrgyzstan as a result of the transformation processes: the family, the position of women in society and the institution of marriage. Qualitative methodology in the form of a case study with a medium-term research was chosen to elaborate the topic of this paper.
In addition, emphasis was placed on learning about historical circumstances in areas of everyday life. Each chapter is divided into pre-Soviet, Soviet and post-Soviet periods. The pre-Soviet period is understood as the period up to 1917, with most information obtained from the 1880s, when many travellers flocked to Kyrgyzstan. The Soviet period is considered here to be from 1917, i.e., the Great October Socialist Revolution (November 7). From the end of 1991, when the Commonwealth of Independent States was established (the Soviet Union officially ceased to exist on 31 December 1991), the post-Soviet period began, which has lasted until today.
The qualitative aspect of the work is interspersed with life stories of Kyrgyz people from students at the American University of Central Asia (AUCA)[1] and case studies of two specific families for whom the mid-term research was conducted. Jan Hendl describes the case study as “a detailed study of one case or a few cases. In a case study, we collect large amounts of data from one or a few individuals. It is about capturing the complexity of the case, describing the relationships in their entirety”.[2] Through the case study, it was possible to obtain obvious information about specific individuals, their activities and daily life in Kyrgyzstan.
On a research trip to Kyrgyzstan, research was conducted with two families in the northern Talas region of the country. The first family lived in the village of Tash-Aryk, where the famous Manas Ordo (a Kyrgyz national complex built to commemorate the millennial anniversary of the Manas epic) is also located. The research team lived directly with the family and shared every day with them. The family consisted of six people – Musa, the husband, father, head of the family, a farmer working on his farm of two cows (dairy cows), two calves, forty sheep (in the mountains at that time on the jail – summer pastures) and one dog and several hectares of fields with beans and his own equipment for the fields – tractor, combine harvester; Isl – wife, mother, without a job, took care of the running of the household and helped her husband, took care of the four children; the oldest of all was a boy named Abay, who was to enter the eighth grade after the holidays, his job over the summer was to go out to pasture with the cows and calves; the oldest of the girls was named Ajdan, after the holidays she went to the seventh grade and her sister Guldjan to the fifth grade, both girls mainly took care of the youngest member of the family, a four-year-old boy named Kiba. The research was conducted in the family for a total of fourteen days during June 2011. The couple both spoke intermediate Russian, sometimes there was a problem with vocabulary, and both attended Kyrgyz schools. The children attended a local Kyrgyz primary school, they did not learn Russian, only Aydjan knew a few basic Russian words. The family communicated with each other in Kyrgyz. Because we stayed with the family when it is not the main farming season, it was noticeable that not every day was „sun to sun“. Among the farmers in the village, the family was one of the larger ones (in terms of number of livestock and size of fields). However, it was evident that the economic situation of the family was not ideal; the mother would like to send both girls to Bishkek to the Turkish lyceum, but there must be enough money for this.
In the second family, the research team spent the same amount of time, this time conducting research in the village of Aral, near the Kazakh border. The family consisted of five members – the father, Bektur, a farmer on his farm of about twenty horses, twenty sheep, three cows, one donkey, chickens, geese, turkeys and three dogs; his wife Adilet worked in the household and took care of the little three-year-old Nurislam; the next member of the family was 56-year-old Salira, who was the mother of Bektur, and also took care of the running of the farm and helped young Adilet (23 years old) to take care of Nurislam and the farm and domestic activities; the last member was Mirim (16 years old), who did not belong to the family at all. Mirim’s mother worked in a shop in St. Petersburg and her father was singer in Bishkek, because they divorced, so Mirim grew up with her grandmother Salira. She lived in Aral for the second year and went to school there. Mirim spoke Russian best and we also spent most of our time with her and she became our guide to the village and the surrounding area. Adilet and Bektur hardly spoke Russian and Salira understood Russian well, but spoke it much less well. Communication in this family was therefore more difficult. The family also lived in better circumstances than the previous family, which was evident from several factors. There were two brick houses – one for the family’s normal living and the other as a representative house for guests, and various sweets, biscuits, etc., regularly appeared on the table at meals. The family kept a helper in a tent in the garden for daily chores – an ethnic Russian who ran away after the first two days we spent with the family. He claimed there was hard work for little money and went to the city. During our research, we also came into contact with people outside the two families, whether they were relatives, acquaintances, neighbours or complete strangers.
Application of transformation in Kyrgyzstan
It is quite common to divide the post-communist countries of the former Eastern bloc into three separate groups: central Europe, south-eastern Europe and post-Soviet Europe, or even into the European part and Central Asia with the Transcaucasus. Based on Pavel Makhonin’s[3] division, Central Asia, and therefore Kyrgyzstan, would belong to the group of Eastern European or Balkan societies that were not sufficiently industrially developed in the pre-communist period.
Pre-revolutionary Central Asia was an agrarian region, and the level of agriculture did not go beyond subsistence forms of farming. These forms characterized Central Asian agriculture until the early 20th century. Much of the production of non-agricultural products was based on artisanal workshops or manufactories, where technical civilization had penetrated only to a very limited extent. Man was the main means of production here, and the social level of production did not go beyond the primitive use of brute human power. [4]
The republics in Central Asia were established in the 1920s and 1930s in an authoritarian and artificial manner without regard for existing realities. They were designed by bureaucrats who were ignorant of the peoples, their history, traditions and customs. These artificial entities did not represent the nation whose name they bore. They were mosaics of larger and smaller ethnic groups whose territories were cut up with dictated borders. The transformation of society in Kyrgyzstan is usually described as predominantly economic, but it has also involved the re-creation of ideology. The manifestations of transformation have affected the whole society and resulted in cultural changes. It was necessary to create a new system after the collapse of the old one, while the goal of transformation seemed vague and unclear. Some of the goals were announced retrospectively – only when the transformation steps were evaluated was the achievement of the goals pointed out, which, however, had not been taken into account at the beginning. If there is no clear view of the future (or if there is widespread uncertainty about the future), then we intuitively revert to the past. These steps backwards can manifest themselves, for example, in a strained historicism. In highlighting the glorious past and emphasizing that time, people try to move beyond the bleak present and remember the certainty of a glorious future. It is this assessment of the Soviet past that often does not come across negatively at all from Central Asians. [5]
The post-Soviet development strategy chosen by the government of Kyrgyzstan was based on a deep and comprehensive economic transformation that would eventually create a solid basis for the independent existence of the state. These changes entailed not only reforms in economic policy, or improvements in the system of economic management and regulation, but also a major reorganization in the country’s overall economic system, including deregulation of the public sector and the labor market, price liberalization, large-scale privatization, the creation of a modern banking and financial infrastructure, the development of legislative norms for the efficient functioning of the private sector, and a number of other measures.[6]
For Kyrgyzstan, the question of reforming the national economy has been a particularly difficult task. The country inherited serious problems from the Soviet economic system, which were further complicated by the deteriorating post-Soviet economic environment. The Kyrgyz national economy was a shining example of Soviet economic modernisation. A cumbersome and inefficient public sector virtually dominated the national economy, and the share of state ownership reached almost 100% in industry, transport and partly in agriculture and services. [7]
The reforms adopted in Kyrgyzstan have led to one of the most radical privatisation programmes in the region, established one of the most liberal economic regimes and succeeded in limiting state intervention in the private sector. According to official statistics, the 8,500 enterprises were privatised between 1991 and 1996. These were enterprises in the retail, construction, transport, manufacturing and service sectors. [8]
The agricultural sector has undergone a major change due to the transformation. In Kyrgyzstan, extensive pastoral livestock farming, which has always been a major influence on the culture, still plays a major role in the agricultural sector. The former large economic units (kolkhozes[9], sovkhozes[10]), which also had a considerable social function, have disintegrated. The family (together with other relatives) became the basic unit of production and adapted and took over part of the social function from the kolkhozes and sovkhozes. More than 82 % of the farms (former kolkhozes and sovkhozes) have been transformed into more than 32 200 private farms, 687 agricultural cooperatives, 73 joint-stock companies and 226 agricultural associations. The private sector has become the predominant sector of the country’s economy. [11]
Overall, the internal and external liberalisation and deregulation of the national economy has created a relatively dynamic business environment that has become open to foreign investment and international cooperation. Furthermore, a new national currency was successfully introduced[12] and despite all the economic and financial problems, it remains one of the most stable currencies not only in Central Asia but also in the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) countries from 1995 until 1998. [13]
On the economic front, Kyrgyzstan has initiated economic reforms along the Russian model, i.e., shock therapy, i.e., rapid and rapid liberalisation of the economy. However, this did not have the expected effect; on the contrary, it led to a sharp fall in living standards and brought about one of the biggest economic slumps in the CIS countries. The population was presented with proxy themes, most often the aforementioned strained historicism, accompanied by nationalism. Unlike in other Central Asian states, the transformation here was presented in more economic terms – clearly from a planned economy to a market economy. While the reforms were indeed progressive, the standard of living of the population plummeted. [14]
In the early 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kyrgyzstan was considered the freest country in the transition between a centrally planned system and democracy, thanks to rapid reforms and shock therapy. It was also seen as the best economically and the most prosperous country in the CIS. At present, this designation belongs to another country – Kazakhstan. Perhaps it is thanks to the fact that shock therapy did not take place here that this country is now considered to be the most economically advanced country in Central Asia. For Kyrgyz, it is even the second most visited country (after Russia) where he goes for job opportunities.
Family, clan system
Pre-Soviet period
Patriarchal traits permeated the entire social system, from the highest levels of society to poor farmers and nomads. The majority of the population of pre-revolutionary Kyrgyzstan and some other areas of Central Asia were nomads and semi-nomads. However, there were differences between the areas of present-day Kyrgyzstan – in the north we would find a mostly sedentary population, while in the south of the country there were still more nomads and semi-nomads.
The individual, together with his family, belonged to a particular clan, together with the clan to a particular tribe, and together with the tribe to a tribal union or union. The concept of clan originated in Scotland, Ireland and Wales. Figuratively, the term „clan“ is used to refer to an offspring, a clan, or also a group of people united by certain common interests. Members derive descent from a single (sometimes mythical) ancestor, but cannot identify a mutual connection. By clan we mean a group of blood relatives in one line, where the relationships are precisely defined. A tribe is a political unit. It is a larger group of people who feel a sense of belonging and have developed more extensive and stable cultural and political institutions, but do not yet have the attributes of a state. The term tribe is currently used to refer to an ethnic group. [15]
The basic unit of Kyrgyz society was the family (tutun = smoke). Then came the uluu (sons) who share a common ancestor. A grouping of several of these groups formed a uruk = clan of blood relatives, and a tribe – uruu – would contain several such clans. A clan in Kyrgyzstan means a grouping based on kinship ties – descending from a common ancestor. Clans were usually closely-knit communities that identified themselves with a particular geographic region, or even village. A clan, on the other hand, can be thought of as an assembly of many such clans. [16]
At the head of the tribal associations were people who derived their origins from Genghis Khan. The whole tribal and clan structure corresponded to the power and production relationship structure. At the head of the units of this structure were the elders (aksakals = literally white beard) and chiefs, whose authority derived not only from traditional patriarchal customs but also from the wealth they held in their hands. A lower unit than the clan was the nomadic village (auyl, ajyl, aul, etc.), consisting of several families (a cluster of yurts and their inhabitants), and usually ruled by the richest member of the so-called baj, the rich man. All the families of the aul formed a kinship united by the consciousness of belonging to the same family and tribe. These were families that were connected in the male line. The internal structure of the family was also based on patriarchal principles.
The Kyrgyz have always determined their ancestry from their father’s lineage – this is the principle of patrilinearity. Knowledge of ancestry on the mother’s side was not important in determining ancestry. A woman certainly remembered her ancestors from her own family well, but after marriage she became almost completely a member of her husband’s family. [17]
The same was true of the family of the settled rural population. The family, like the nomads, was characterised by the features of the so-called large family, in which parents and sons lived together. The head of the large family was the father, the male of the oldest parental pair, whose place was taken by the eldest son after his death. The head of such a family was in charge of all the family’s affairs, especially its property and its income. To this position corresponded the outward forms of conduct, according to which the head of the family was accorded the highest authority and respect.
There was a hierarchy in the relationships between other family members, for which gender and age were the criteria. This resulted in the unequal position of women not only in the family but also in the higher echelons of society.[18] An exception was made for older women (especially widows), who had a large role and high status within the family. If the husband of such a woman died and the eldest son was still young, the widow became the head of the family. An example from history is also very famous in Kyrgyzstan, the Kurmanjian datka (1811-1907). She was the energetic leader of the uprisings in the Alaya Valley and Fergana. The Alai and Fergana tribes were subordinated to her and under this pressure made peace with Russia, and the „Alai Queen“ (as she was also nicknamed) was inducted as the first woman among the Russian officer corps.[19]As a tribute to her in 2004, a statue was erected in Erkindik Park in Bishkek and her portrait was placed on a 50 som note.
The purpose of a large family was to keep the family property together, especially the fields (especially in the south of the country). The pastures were usually owned jointly by the whole family. The number of members of a large family was approximately between ten and a hundred people. [20] The division of labour between man and woman was strictly given, and you would not see a man milking a cow and, on the other hand, a woman repairing a machine. It is only natural that the oldest children (especially the girls) would take care of the youngest children, so that the chazai (lady of the house) would have more time to take care of the running of the household and the whole economy. The children also went out to graze with the domestic animals (e.g. cows) – this activity was mostly carried out by the boys.
In Kyrgyz, there are several words and expressions that can be used to explain the relationship between extended family members. One of the important terms is urutchuluk. Translated into English, urutchuluk means „a close and unfree relationship between relatives“. All descendants in the male line going back seven generations (jeti ata) were counted as members of the clan. Clan members are associated with a village or area, but it does not matter whether the clan members live there or not. Before the Russian occupation, several villages belonged to such a region. [21]
Soviet period
In the minds of Central Asians, the difference was based on gender, tribe or religion (Muslim – non-Muslim). It is characteristic of Soviet society that the process of the completion of national development took place with a rapidity unprecedented in history. [22]
The most important organizational unit among the Kyrgyzs was the ever-expanding family and clan. The typical, average extended family for the whole of Central Asia was around six persons – by contrast, in Ukraine or the Baltic republics, such a family contained three persons. The head of the extended family was usually one of the elders (aksakal). In villages many large families lived together, one of the aksakals was usually the head of the village. When difficult issues needed to be resolved, several aksakals would discuss the issues with the village council. Under communism, many issues were decided from above. Despite this fact, very many local issues had to be solved in the old way. The village council was also important during Soviet rule.
There was and still is a huge emphasis on the family. Kaliyan Januzakova (*1928, Ak Bashat) knows something about this: „Back then (author’s note: meaning in Soviet times) women had more self-discipline, and were more hardworking. Therefore, women found husbands[23] and had large families and satisfying lives. I had no problem raising my children – they were all decent and educated. The secret to having a good, strong family is to keep a good family reputation in front of the children and to show respect and love to each other. Almost everything depends on the parents. My husband and I have been role models for our children.“ [24]
In the early years of Russian rule, the Kyrgyzstanis were put in the top positions. The Russians thought that this would give them better control over the nomads, but the new leaders had difficulty gaining respect from the Kyrgyz population. Until this time, the leader of the Kyrgyz had never been elected, but he achieved his position because of his age, personality, and knowledge of Kyrgyz rules and traditions. [25]
Post-Soviet period
In a tribally organized society, members of the extended family and clan play a particularly important role for individuals. Urban dwellers receive potatoes, vegetables, fruits and meat from their relatives in the countryside when needed. Gaining access to prestigious status and the opportunity to study at university depends on family relationships or contacts. But relatives can also be a barrier for individuals, as it is sometimes difficult to meet their expectations. [26]
In modern times, the term clan is rather vague and is used differently – a group acting together refers to achieving common political or economic benefits – often on a regional basis. Another case is the reference to kinship based on descent from a common ancestor, and is often used in the context of referring to the extended family or groups of families of the two largest „power blocs“ in Kyrgyzstan – the northern (Chui, Talas, Issyk-Kul and Naryn oblasts) and southern (Osh, Jalalabad and Batken oblasts), which traditionally compete for power and influence. [27]
Kyrgyz people are fully aware of the role that clans have traditionally played and are still very much aware of the social and economic benefits of clan membership. Kyrgyz men often wear a traditional black and white felt headdress, which informs them of their position in the clan and how much respect they should show it. Support for clan members is strong, especially in the northern provinces.
Today, the government’s view is that the old power structures at the municipal level must be supported. There has even been a proposal to give aksakals in villages the salaries of state employees. Since 2003, there has been a law on elders‘ courts (aksakals). The main tasks of the elders‘ court are: protection of violated or contested rights and legitimate interests of citizens; promotion of the rule of law, order and prevention of crime in towns; education of citizens about law, morals and ethics, history, customs and traditions. The high status of aksakals[28] in the community is still visible. People go to them for advice and they have certain powers regarding the decision making of general matters in the aul. If a court of elders is set up in the town or aulu, the aksakals have even more powers than in earlier times.
Like other Central Asian groups, the Kyrgyz revere history and themselves as part of a long stream of events. Clan identity extends this tradition even further to make known the legendary origins of the Kyrgyz people. Kyrgyz clans are said to derive their origins from the „first fathers,“ most of whom appear in oral legends and history. Clan history and genealogy is entrusted to the aksakals. Given this, clan identity still remains an important element of social status, but Kyrgyz sometimes claim to be descended from a higher branch of their clan than is actually true.
The division of labour between men and women in Kyrgyz families is very pronounced, especially in rural areas. Of course, all the work can be done by men and women, and often it is, but care is taken to divide the work in front of visitors or strangers. Based on field research, we can say that this is not always the case. In the village of Aral, the farmer milked a mare shamelessly in front of us. A similar case happened to us nearby in the mountains where the farm employs three helpers and one of them did not mind milking a cow in front of us.
A Kyrgyz family is supposed to have more than four children, a bad family is one with only one or two children, a small family can be defined as a family with three or four children. The Kyrgyz place great emphasis on the head of the family – the patriarchal father who holds a firm hand over the family. Abdysh Asanov (*1925, Ken-Aral) considers himself such a father: ‚Although many things have changed over the years, my family life has not changed much. We have managed to build an integrated, strong and healthy family. In my opinion, in order to build this kind of family, a strong patriarchal father should stand behind it. There should be no democracy within the family. If there is democracy, the family will break up – there will be no unity among the family members and the children will not obey their parents. Islam says that the man should lead the woman, not the other way around. We have a fitting Kyrgyz proverb: Raise your children properly from early childhood, train your wife from the beginning.“ [29]
The chapter on the family and the clan system could use a little summary at the end. The family and clan system of the Kyrgyz have changed very little since pre-Soviet and Soviet times. However, changes can be found, for example: the eldest son is supposed to inherit the entire farm from his father, but it happens that the eldest son decides to pursue a career in the city and the farm is taken care of by one of the younger sons, which was not possible in earlier times. The family would exclude such a son from their ranks and such a person would be socially degraded. Compared to earlier times, the aksakals have come to enact their powers in the auls, with some problems being solved from above during the Soviet period, but also leaving many cases in the domain of the aksakals. Clans still have a great influence on many aspects of Kyrgyz life, and people can benefit from clan ties (the possibility of university studies, or the way candidates are selected at elections). Thus, we can say that Kyrgyz society has remained largely patriarchal and clan-based even after the transformation.
Status of women
Pre-Soviet period
Under patriarchal conditions in Central Asia, women were on the periphery of social relations and entered them only through their families or their husbands. This does not mean that she was always excluded from having an influence on social affairs, but such influence was almost always dependent on the position of the family or husband, and was therefore mediated. The wife of a socially high-ranking man (or the daughter of a father) had greater opportunities for social action than did the lower classes. Polygamy (polygyny) was an element that increased the distance between the social status of men and women. That is, it limited the aforementioned correlation between the social status of men and women, as the higher the man stood socially, the richer he was and the more women he could afford. Within the polygamous union, wives stood in a hierarchy that was conditioned by extra-social factors (beauty, age, fertility, order of marriage) that grew out of patriarchal foundations. Poor farmers and poor urban dwellers mostly lived in monogamy. Divorce was totally unacceptable at that time, occurring only in rare cases.
In a pre-revolutionary poor family, women often worked as wage labourers, providing a significant part of the family income. This increased her prestige within the family, but it could not extend beyond the family. In contrast, the Central Asian traveller Nikolai Alexandrovich Severtsov (1827-1885) noted the division of labour between man and woman in his travels and did not feel that the Kyrgyz woman was in any way significantly subordinate to her husband. Severtsov saw the Kyrgyz housewives on his 1873 journey through Tangshan as the true mistresses of the house, though it may not have appeared so at first glance. One who came to the yurt for only a brief visit might have felt the Kyrgyz woman’s complete subservience and servility to her husband, but the reality was, in his opinion, quite different. [30]
Oktiabr Akmoldoev (*1939, Ken-Aral) has a completely different view of the status of women, summarizing the life of Kyrgyz women at that time as follows: ‚Before the Soviet government, women’s lives were restricted. Women’s work was to have children, cook and clean the house. All outside work was catered for by husbands or fathers. Women had no rights in Kyrgyz society. They had no right to divorce their husbands. If their husband died, one of the husband’s relatives had to marry her.“ [31]
Abdysh Asanov (*1925, Ken-Aral) has a very similar view of the position of women in society: ‚Before the establishment of the Soviet government, women really had no voice. They had to listen to what their husbands said and generally were not allowed to go out. They spent most of their lives in their homes. Women shouldn’t even argue with their husbands if they disagree with them.“ [32]
Soviet period
Since the beginning of the Soviet era, there have been actions for the equality of women. During the Second World War, as in other areas of the Soviet Union, the front drained skilled and hard-working workers and agricultural labourers from Central Asia. They were replaced by women, whose duty it became to replace the men who had gone to war in all aspects of social life. They bore the brunt of the increased economic tasks. During the war, the consistent promotion of women’s equality became an economic necessity. The work of women in the factories and fields during the war years became an obvious and forceful argument in the removal of old ideas about the status of women. During the war, Central Asian women proved their equality. [33]
During the Second World War, Kaliyan Januzakova (*1928, Ak Bashat) had to take the place of the men who were conscripted to the front: ‚During the war there were no men in the village, and we – the women – did all the duties of men, like cutting hay on the farms. There was no equipment, the women did everything by hand.“ [34]
The suppression of Islam during the Soviet era eroded the ideological foundations from which women’s dependent status was derived. However, in the general consciousness, in which women themselves were partly involved, they remained a dependent component of society. During the changes wrought by the Soviet occupation, women gained social equality in the labour process and in the functions directly derived from it. Women began to work as brigade leaders, sometimes even in higher positions, such as chairwomen of kolkhozes (e.g. the mother of the respondent from Talas held this position during the Soviet era). This also brought about desirable changes in internal family relations, as the woman often worked in a higher position than her husband. At the same time, all possibilities of social self-fulfilment were open to women, of which education undoubtedly ranked first. Further polygamous marriages and bride price were strictly forbidden by law at the very beginning of Soviet rule. Divorces began to appear in the cities. The change in the social status of women represents one of the most significant disruptions of Kyrgyz tradition. [35]
With the change in the public status of women, the status of men in society has naturally changed. Their role in public declined and they had to engage in domestic chores at home. Abdysh Asanov (b. 1925, Ken-Aral) commented: ‚When the communist government was established, a new law was passed which stated that men and women were equal. Then women started going to schools and even universities. They began to hold high positions in the government. Their role in the family decreased and their role in public life increased. As women’s role in public increased, men’s role in public decreased and their responsibilities at home increased.“ [36]
Post-Soviet period
In modern times, and especially in the early years of independence, women played a more important role in Kyrgyzstan than in other Central Asian countries. Since 1991, women have held the positions of state prosecutor, minister of education, ambassador to the United States and Canada, and minister of foreign affairs. Women also excel in banking and business, and are editors of most independent newspapers in Central Asia. Roza Otunbayeva (1950), who took the post of Foreign Minister in 1996, was even elected President of the Republic for a transitional period (7 April 2010 to 1 December 2011) after the April 2010 revolution. [37]
„Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, many husbands began to sit at home, doing household chores and taking care of the children, while their wives worked and earned money to support the family,“ Abdysh Asanov (*1925, Ken-Aral) finally added about the current situation. [38]
Nowadays, a woman as a member of the family has more opportunities for equal status in society. However, there are a few things that are inappropriate for a woman or that she is not allowed to do. For example, a woman should avoid smoking, riding horses, and should not enter mosques and cemeteries. But there is a considerable difference between women in the city, in the village or in the mountains. In today’s Kyrgyz cities, the rules are not as strict as in the villages. Women do not have to marry at a young age, they often choose their own partners, there is a drive for equal employment with men, and women have the same opportunities to go to university. In the villages, these rules do not apply so often. In most cases, a girl’s marriage is arranged, bride kidnapping (this happens even to girls in the cities), a woman often gets married after completing compulsory schooling (11 grades) and can forget about higher education, she takes care of the family and normal household chores around her husband’s farm, etc. A man may forbid his wife from various activities – e.g. drinking alcohol. But such strict conditions are more found in rural areas.
There are already many cases of divorce. After the divorce, the women return to their original family (mother and father), often living together with other relatives. There are also large differences between rural and urban areas in the divorce rate, with 93 divorces per 1 000 marriages in rural areas, compared to more than three times as many in urban areas (319). [39] Single mothers are very low on the social ladder. The family often does not communicate with them, nor does it care about the woman or her child. Such women have financial difficulties and are often addicted to alcohol.
The above information shows that the position of women in society has changed radically from pre-Soviet times to the present. The main impetus for the change in the traditional role of women was World War II. Due to the lack of manpower in all the positions previously held by men, it was necessary to fill these vacancies, and who else could do so but women, who were not affected by conscription. Advocating for their equality became a straightforward economic necessity. Later, under communism, women held high positions in public administration or agriculture, for example as chairmen of collective farms. Women began to be able to be superior to men, divorce was allowed, etc. The Russians began to establish in Kyrgyzstan the same status for women as was common in Russia. Nowadays, of course, there are many taboos for women (to bathe together with men, to drink alcohol without the permission of their husbands, etc.), but it depends on whether the woman is from the city or the village, where in the village we find a more traditional social status for women. The status of women has been transformed in a significant way into its present form.
Marriage
Pre-Soviet period
In earlier times, the marriage was one of the most important ceremonies, which were very complicated and pompous. This complexity also showed the social importance of the institution of marriage. Customary law played a great role in marriage not only in Kyrgyzstan but also in the whole of Central Asia, and marriage here was a little different from what was customary in our conditions.
Prior to the transformational changes associated with the Great Patriotic War after 1917, polygamy was quite common among Kyrgyz people, and it was also very common to marry at a young age (girls could be as young as 12, boys 18; at 15, girls were considered spinsterhood). Poorer men, however, could not marry at a low age, as they had to wait until their relatives or they themselves had accumulated enough money to pay the kalym (bride price). [40]
The population of Kyrgyzstan in the pre-socialist era showed considerable endogamy. Although the influx of European ethnic groups into the Central Asian region (then Turkestan) can be dated back to the 19th century, ethnically mixed marriages (between newcomers and the indigenous population) were not common. Marriages were contracted only within one’s own group. Population groups divided on the basis of religion were also characterised by their endogamy. The different culture and way of life of pastoralists and settled farmers meant that members of these groups hardly intermarried.
Soviet period
The number of marriages as well as the age of the fiancés has varied over the years. From the second half of the 1960s until the early 1990s, the number of marriages increased, with the age of newlyweds in Soviet times being around 16 for girls and 18 for men. Eventually, over time, the age limit for marriage was enacted at 18, but nevertheless, some marriages involved newlyweds younger than that. The Soviet order gradually almost eradicated polygamy and partially eradicated other practices that completely restricted people entering into marriage from choosing their own partners. The Russians began to demand a marriage certificate from the authorities after the Kyrgyzs. However, many newlyweds did not do so, the certificate was not necessary for them, it was enough that their surroundings accepted them as spouses.
After World War II, cases of arranged marriages began to appear, especially between local men and Russian women. However, mixed marriages were still rare in the USSR era. [41] The Soviet census of 1989 shows that Kyrgyz (men) were the least likely of all Soviet nationalities to be in an „international“ marriage (only 6.1%), and the figure for women was even lower at 5.8%. And the most common thing that happened then was that the „foreigner“ in such a marriage learned Kyrgyz and also taught his children Kyrgyz culture. [42]
The decline in marriages in the 1960s was caused by the aftermath of World War II. There were fewer children born during the war, which was reflected in fewer marriages in the 1960s by people born during the war. In the following years, the age imbalance evened out and the number of marriages returned to the same number as before the war, even increasing, until 1991, when Kyrgyzstan gained independence from the Soviet Union. Following the example of the Russians, the Kyrgyz began to divorce. [43] One of the women who committed such an act, certainly reprehensible at the time, was Kaliyan Januzakova (b. 1928, Ak Bashat): ‚I was married twice. My first marriage was strongly based on Kyrgyz culture – I had no choice. My parents found me a husband I had never seen before he became my husband. I lived with him for three years. I was 20 years old when I got divorced. I married my second husband when I was 27 and lived with him for 50 years. I had 10 children with him: five daughters and five sons, all of whom received higher education.“ [44]
Post-Soviet period
Under current law, spouses must be at least 18 years old. There is the possibility of lowering the age limit, but only for women and not by more than one year. The average age of newlyweds has increased to today’s 20 years for girls and 26 years for men. This is related to the fact that primary school lasts 11 years in Kyrgyzstan. Once a girl comes out of school, she is just 17 or 18 years old and if she does not want to continue her studies, for example at university, she tries to get married as soon as possible. The age of the bride is generally lower in the south – it is required that a girl marries at 19 or 20 years old, if she is older, she is already kara daly („black back“, in our case an old maid) and it is very difficult for her to get married. Many marriages today are arranged by mutual consent of the spouses, paternal consent is still required out of custom to maintain the appearance that the tradition of arranged marriages is still in place. Bride kidnapping takes place for the same reason, but the traditional ones do not preclude voluntary marriages. [45]
As recently as the 1980s, kidnapping was quite common, and even today it is no exception, even though it is outlawed on the grounds of violating personal liberty. Even civil servants or militiamen illegally kidnap women in this way. In the past, however, marriage was contracted only after the full payment of the kalym, whereas nowadays it is preferred to gradual repayment. Endogamy still persists in the environment. Even today, it is not entirely common for Kyrgyz/Kyrgyz women to marry other ethnic groups. For most Kyrgyz in Kyrgyzstan, it is desirable to marry outside one’s own clan, or at least subclan. However, it is not uncommon to find an advertisement in the newspaper that reads „Woman/man looking for a foreigner (from Europe or America) to marry me and take me home with him/her, away from Kyrgyzstan„.
Due to the high decline in the standard of living, the departure of non-indigenous people abroad and the mass migration of indigenous people in the country, the number of marriages fell to the level of the number of marriages in the 1960s shortly after independence. Some of these factors led the young and middle age groups to postpone marriage and the older age group to postpone remarriage. At the same time, the growing uncertainty of life strategies has led to an increase in the number of unregistered marriages. [46]
The institution of marriage has undergone a great transformation since its inception. The age of brides and grooms has risen, the influence of parents arranging their children’s marriages has been lost, and it is not uncommon to get divorced, but it is still not common to marry members of foreign ethnic groups. However, some of the elements that accompany a wedding have remained unchanged. Bride kidnapping still occurs, the number of unregistered marriages is increasing, and bride price kalym is still demanded, albeit to a lesser extent, and can even be repaid gradually.
Conclusion
The transformation of society in Kyrgyzstan is usually described as mainly economic, and has included deregulation of the public sector and the labour market, liberalisation of prices, large-scale privatisation, the creation of a modern banking and financial infrastructure, the development of legislative norms for the efficient functioning of the private sector, the creation of a new national currency and a number of other measures. Kyrgyzstan has also undergone a transformation in the search for and creation of a new ideology. The transformation was reflected in the whole society and resulted in changes in the whole culture. This demand was characterized by various manifestations – people were returning to religion, the so-called temporary religiosity was created, the formation of a new national Kyrgyz identity through the national hero Manas, the displacement of the Russian language from official communication, etc. The transformation also brought about a major change in the agricultural sector, with the former kolkhozes and sovkhozes disintegrating. Land was privatised, part of the land was given to every citizen of Kyrgyzstan, the rest was sold. The private sector became the predominant sector of the state economy.
The institution of the family is still very important in the lives of Kyrgyz people. One of the main goals of every Kyrgyz is to have a large and healthy family. It is still not uncommon to see families with up to ten children, although in the cities this trend is changing and more families of the „Western“ type, i.e. with 1-2 children, are beginning to appear. The head of the family is most often considered to be a man, but in cities women are beginning to have more influence in family life. People help each other within the extended family and show loyalty within the clan. It is not uncommon for voters to vote for a candidate from the same clan when his campaign promises are not as close to their own as his competitor’s. The difference between the northern and southern clans, which have opposing views in many ways, is very recognizable. The status of aksakala is a highly revered title in the aul even today, and it has even lived to see enactment. The effort to preserve traditions can be seen in this case. Even after the transformation, Kyrgyz society remained largely patriarchal and clan-based.
Part of the everyday life of Kyrgyz people, exemplified by the position of women in society, underwent the greatest transformation during the period under study. Since World War II, the role of women in the family and in society has been changing. Due to the lack of male power, women became the key persons on whom the country’s economy was based. Promoting their equality became an economic necessity. Thanks to the equalisation of women under communism (especially in the economy), the role of women in society has once again been strengthened. Women held positions of authority over men, so their position in the patriarchal family changed. In the countryside, women still have the same inferior status as before, but in the cities they sometimes hold very important positions in employment. She is no longer just a housewife at her husband’s beck and call, she is no longer obliged to take him at his word, she can act for herself, she can get a divorce or drink alcohol. The position of women has been transformed in a significant way into what it is today.
Marriage is considered one of the main institutions of the whole society in Kyrgyzstan. Unmarried couples do not live in a „pile“, women and men want to live an orderly life according to traditional standards, but the number of unregistered marriages is still growing. Young people are entering marriage later in life. From an average age of 17 for girls, the age of marriage is now around 20. For men, it was traditionally longer because they must have sufficient resources to marry a girl; today the age is around 26. Traditionally, there is still a big problem with abduction of girls. Although they are forbidden by law, the bride and her parents prefer to agree to the marriage promptly for fear of gossip; only a negligible number of cases end up in court.
[1] Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History. [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-18]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/
[2] HENDL, J. Úvod do kvalitativního výzkumu. Praha: Karolinum, 1997, p. 104.
[3] MACHONIN, P. Postkomunistická sociální transformace a modernizace. Praha: Sociologický ústav AV ČR, 2009. p. 1–2 [online] 2009 [cited 2012-08-20]. Available from: http://samba.fsv.cuni.cz/~cabanova/UVOD%20SP%202009/7_p%C5%99edn%C3%A1%C5%A1ka/Machonin.pdf
[4] Rozdílnými cestami. Srovnání sociálně ekonomického vývoje sovětské Střední Asie, Kazachstánu a Zakavkazska s vývojem v Turecku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. Praha: Orientální ústav ČSAV, 1977, p. 170.
[5] KOKAISL, P.; PARGAČ J. Pastevecká společnost v proměnách času: Kyrgyzstán a Kazachstán. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Filozofická fakulta, 2006, p. 277.
[6] ABAZOV. R. Policy of economic transition in Kyrgyzstan. Oxford: Tailor & Francis Ltd., 1999, pp. 197-223. ISSN 02634937. [online] 2012 [cited 2012-09-13]. Available from: Proquest database.
[7] ABAZOV. R. c. d.
[8] ABAZOV. R. c.d.
[9] Kolkhoz is a form of collective farming, similar to JZD in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
[10] Sovkhoz (sovetskoye khozyaystvo, Soviet farm) is a state-owned agricultural enterprise.
[11] ABAZOV. R. c. d.
[12] 100 soms (KGS) = approx. 2 USD
[13] ABAZOV. R. c. d.
[14] KOKAISL, P.; PARGAČ J. Pastevecká společnost v proměnách času: Kyrgyzstán a Kazachstán. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Filozofická fakulta, 2006, p. 279.
[15] KOKAISL P. Základy antropologie. Praha: Česká zemědělská univerzita v Praze, Provozně ekonomická fakulta, 2007. p. 116.
[16] Tribes and Clans. Travel Encyclopedia of Kyrgyzstan. [online] 2009 [cited 2012-10-29]. Available from: http://celestial.com.kg/articles/people/Culture/Tribes-and-Clans/Tribes-and-Clans_70.htm
[17] KOKAISL, P.; SAPARBEKOVA, J. A.; MICHÁLEK, P. Kyrgyzstán a Kyrgyzové. Plzeň: Západočeská univerzita v Plzni, 2008, p. 60.
[18] HVOSLEF H.E. Tribalism and modernity in Kyrgyzstan. The third Nordic conference on Middle Eastern Studies: Ethnic encounter and culture change. Joensuu, Finland, 19-22 June 1995 [online] 1995 [cited 2012-10-19].
Available from: http://www.hf.uib.no/smi/paj/Hvoslef.html
[19] HORÁK, S. Rusko a Střední Asie po rozpadu SSSR. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze – Nakladatelství Karolinum, 2008, p. 101.
[20] Rozdílnými cestami. Srovnání sociálně ekonomického vývoje sovětské Střední Asie, Kazachstánu a Zakavkazska s vývojem v Turecku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. Praha: Orientální ústav ČSAV, 1977, pp. 171-172.
[21] HVOSLEF H. E. Tribalism and modernity in Kyrgyzstan. The third Nordic conference on Middle Eastern Studies: Ethnic encounter and culture change. Joensuu, Finland, 19-22 June 1995 [online] 1995 [cited 2012-10- 19]. Available from: http://www.hf.uib.no/smi/paj/Hvoslef.html
[22] Rozdílnými cestami. Srovnání sociálně ekonomického vývoje sovětské Střední Asie, Kazachstánu a Zakavkazska s vývojem v Turecku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. Praha: Orientální ústav ČSAV, 1977, pp. 189-190.
[23] The literal translation is „women found husbands“, but in fact in most cases men found wives.
[24] ANNAMURADOV, M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History: The Beet Farmer: Kaliyan Januzakova (Kyrgyz, 1928) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-11-13]. Available from: http://web.archive.org/web/20100810013307/http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content &view=article&id=59:the-beet-farmer-kaliyan-januzakova-kyrgyz-1928&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[25] HVOSLEF H. E. Tribalism and modernity in Kyrgyzstan. The third Nordic conference on Middle Eastern Studies: Ethnic encounter and culture change. Joensuu, Finland, 19-22 June 1995 [online] 1995 [cited 2012-10-19]. Available from: http://www.hf.uib.no/smi/paj/Hvoslef.html
[26] HVOSLEF H. E. c .d.
[27] Tribes and Clans. Travel Encyclopedia of Kyrgyzstan. [online] 2009 [cited 2012-10-29]. Available from: http://celestial.com.kg/articles/people/Culture/Tribes-and-Clans/Tribes-and-Clans_70.htm
[28] ZAKON KYRGYZSKOJ RESPUBLIKI. O sudach aksakalov. [online]. 2002, 2002-07-04 [cit. 2012-11-15]. Available from: http://www.legislationline.org/ru/documents/action/popup/id/14320
[29] TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan’s History: the Haji: Abdysh Asanovich Asanov (Kyrgyz, 1925) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-11-13]. Available from: http://web.archive.org/web/20100810112516/http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content &view=article&id=77:the-haji-abdysh-asanovich-asanov-kyrgyz-1925&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[30] KOKAISL, P.; SAPARBEKOVA J. A.; MICHÁLEK P. Kyrgyzstán a Kyrgyzové. Plzeň: Západočeská univerzita v Plzni, 2008, p. 32.
[31] TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History: Driver: Oktiabr Akmoldoevich Akmoldoev (Kyrgyz, 1939) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-12]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=78:the-driver-oktiabr- akmoldoevich-akmoldoev-kyrgyz-1939&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[32] TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan’s History: the Haji: Abdysh Asanovich Asanov (Kyrgyz, 1925) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-13]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=77:the-haji-abdysh- asanovich-asanov-kyrgyz-1925&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[33] Rozdílnými cestami. Srovnání sociálně ekonomického vývoje sovětské Střední Asie, Kazachstánu a Zakavkazska s vývojem v Turecku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. Praha: Orientální ústav ČSAV, 1977, pp. 214-215.
[34] ANNAMURADOV, M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History: The Beet Farmer: Kaliyan Januzakova (Kyrgyz, 1928) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-13]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=59:the-beet-farmer-kaliyjan-anuzakova-kyrgyz-1928&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[35] Rozdílnými cestami. Srovnání sociálně ekonomického vývoje sovětské Střední Asie, Kazachstánu a Zakavkazska s vývojem v Turecku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. Praha: Orientální ústav ČSAV, 1977, pp. 206-208.
[36] TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan’s History: the Haji: Abdysh Asanovich Asanov (Kyrgyz, 1925) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-13]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=77:the-haji-abdysh- asanovich-asanov-kyrgyz-1925&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[37] CURTIS G. E. Kyrgyzstan: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1996 [online] 2003-2012 [cited 2012-11-04]. Available from: http://countrystudies.us/kyrgyzstan/11.htm
[38] TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan’s History: the Haji: Abdysh Asanovich Asanov (Kyrgyz, 1925) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-13]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=77:the-haji-abdysh- asanovich-asanov-kyrgyz-1925&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[39] KOKAISL, P. Manželství a rodina obyvatel Kavkazu a Střední Asie. Praha: Za hranice – Společnost pro rozvojovou spolupráci při Provozně ekonomické fakultě ČZU, 2011, p. 179. ISBN 978-80-254-9365-6
[40] HERMANNOVÁ Z. Postsocialistická transformace společnosti ve Střední Asii. Případová studie v jižním Kyrgyzstánu, oblast Batken. Praha: Česká zemědělská univerzita, 2012, p. 64.
[41] KOKAISL, P. Manželství a rodina obyvatel Kavkazu a Střední Asie. Praha: Za hranice – Společnost pro rozvojovou spolupráci při Provozně ekonomické fakultě ČZU, 2011, p. 138.
[42] CURTIS G. E. Kyrgyzstan: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1996. [online] 2003-2012 [cit.2012-11-04]. Available from: http://countrystudies.us/kyrgyzstan/10.htm
[43] HERMANNOVÁ Z. Postsocialistická transformace společnosti ve Střední Asii. Případová studie v jižním Kyrgyzstánu, oblast Batken. Praha: Česká zemědělská univerzita, 2012, p. 64.
[44] ANNAMURADOV, M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History: The Beet Farmer: Kaliyan Januzakova (Kyrgyz, 1928) [online]. 2010 [cited 2012-09-13]. Available from: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=59:the-beet-farmer- kaliyjan-anuzakova-kyrgyz-1928&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
[45] CURTIS G. E. Kyrgyzstan: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1996 [online] 2003-2012 [cited 2012-11-04]. Available from: http://countrystudies.us/kyrgyzstan/10.htm
[46] HERMANNOVÁ Z. Postsocialistická transformace společnosti ve Střední Asii. Případová studie v jižním Kyrgyzstánu, oblast Batken. Praha: Česká zemědělská univerzita, 2012, pp. 64-65.
References
• ABAZOV. R. Policy of economic transition in Kyrgyzstan. Oxford: Tailor & Francis Ltd., 1999, s. 197–223. ISSN 0263-4937. [online] 2012 [cit. 13. 9. 2012]. Dostupné z: databáze Proquest
• ANNAMURADOV, M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History. The Beet Farmer: Kaliyjan Januzakova (Kyrgyz, 1928) [online]. 2010 [cit. 13. 11. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://web.archive.org/web/20100810013307/http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=59:the-beet-farmer-kaliyjan-januzakovakyrgyz-1928&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
• CURTIS G. E. Kyrgyzstan: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1996. [online] 2003-2012 [cit. 4. 11. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://countrystudies.us/kyrgyzstan/11.htm
• HENDL J. Úvod do kvalitativního výzkumu. Praha: Karolinum, 1997.
• HERMANNOVÁ Z. Postsocialistická transformace společnosti ve Střední Asii. Případová studie v jižním Kyrgyzstánu, oblast Batken. Praha: Česká zemědělská univerzita, 2012.
• HORÁK, S. Rusko a Střední Asie po rozpadu SSSR. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze – Nakladatelství Karolinum, 2008.
• HVOSLEF H. E. Tribalism and modernity in Kirgizia. The third Nordic conference on Middle Eastern Studies: Ethnic encounter and culture change. Joensuu, Finland, 19–22 June 1995. [online] 1995 [cit. 19. 10. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://www.hf.uib.no/smi/paj/Hvoslef.html
• KOKAISL, P. a kol. Manželství a rodina obyvatel Kavkazu a Střední Asie. Praha: Za hranice – Společnost pro rozvojovou spolupráci při Provozně ekonomické fakultě ČZU, 2011. ISBN 978-80-254-9365-6 (NOSTALGIE : Váz.).
• KOKAISL, P. a kol.; PARGAČ, J. Pastevecká společnost v proměnách času: Kyrgyzstán a Kazachstán. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Filozofická fakulta, 2006. DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.1.2092.7124 ISBN: 80-7308-119-9
• KOKAISL, P. a kol. Kyrgyzstán a Kyrgyzové. Plzeň: Západočeská univerzita v Plzni, 2008.
• KOKAISL P. Základy antropologie. Praha: Česká zemědělská univerzita v Praze, Provozně ekonomická fakulta, 2007.
• Kolektiv pracovníků Oddělení Středního východu a Afriky. Rozdílnými cestami. Srovnání sociálně ekonomického vývoje sovětské Střední Asie, Kazachstánu a Zakavkazska s vývojem v Turecku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. Praha: Orientální ústav ČSAV, 1977.
• MACHONIN, P. Postkomunistická sociální transformace a modernizace. Praha: Sociologický ústav AV ČR, 2009. s. 1–2. [online] 2009 [cit. 20. 8. 2012]. Dostupný z: http://samba.fsv.cuni.cz/~cabanova/UVOD%20SP%202009/7_p%C5%99edn%C3%A1%C5%A1ka/Machonin.pdf
• Tribes and Clans. Travel Encyclopedia of Kyrgyzstan. [online] 2009 [cit. 29. 10. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://celestial.com.kg/articles/people/Culture/Tribes-and-Clans/Tribesand-Clans_70.htm
• TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History. Driver: Oktiabr Akmoldoevich Akmoldoev (Kyrgyz, 1939) [online]. 2010 [cit. 12. 9. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=78:the-driver-oktiabr-akmoldoevich-akmoldoev-kyrgyz-1939&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
• TULOBERDIEV M. Preserving Kyrgyzstan´s History. Haji: Abdysh Asanovich Asanov (Kyrgyz, 1925) [online]. 2010 [cit. 13. 11. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://web.archive.org/web/20100810112516/http://www.centralasianhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=77:the-haji-abdysh-asanovich-asanovkyrgyz-1925&catid=34:interviews&Itemid=29
• ZAKON KYRGYZSKOJ RESPUBLIKI. O sudach aksakalov. [online]. 2002, 2002-07-04 [cit. 15. 11. 2012]. Dostupné z: http://www.legislationline.org/ru/documents/action/popup/id/14320